Put Muhammadiyah and NU back on track

Published on The Jakarta Post (http://www.thejakartapost.com)

, The Jakarta Post , Jakarta | Tue, 12/21/2004 8:28 AM | Opinion

Imam Cahyono, Jakarta

Following on Nahdlatul Ulama's (NU) 31st congress (Muktamar) in Boyolali, Central Java, Muhammadiyah will hold their 45th congress in Malang, East Java, on July 2005. Although they are quite different Islamic organizations, many of the crucial problems facing them are similar. In their respective congresses, these two giant Indonesian Muslim organizations can not absent themselves from discussion in relation to practical politics.

In fact, both NU and Muhammadiyah are not political organizations or parties, but separating them from politics is quite impossible. This happens because they are truly owned by the masses. Politics was, of course, very much part of the Boyolali congress. Besides debate about leadership, the Boyolali congress was also filled with discussion about the relationship between NU and the National Awakening Party (PKB). In the same manner, the next Muhammadiyah congress will also engage in dialogue over its relationship with the National Mandate Party (PAN) and ideas about a new alternative party.

It is important to note that one of the important results of the Boyolali congress was the decision to distance NU from ""practical politics"". Hasyim Muzadi, newly re-elected General Chairman of the NU Executive Board (PBNU), has had to sign a contract pledging that he will not involve NU in political activities. After signing the contract, he promised that he would not take an interest in legislative or executive government positions.

This means that NU will be run according to its Guiding Principles (Khittah) of 1926 that were written when the organization was founded. The organization will go back to being an exclusively religious body. With its 40 million followers, NU will mostly act as a social and religious organization. Actually, this very same policy was agreed to at NU's congress held in Situbondo in 1984, but it was not implemented consistently.

The collapse of the Soeharto-led New Order (Orde Baru) in 1998 caused Indonesia to enter -- as one scholar called it -- an era of political liberation and euphoria. The reformation era (reformasi) was used by Muhammadiyah for the first time to build a political party, PAN.

The fall of the Soeharto regime caused NU to change direction. The policy of staying out of politics as outlined in the Guiding Principles of 1926 was adjusted. Abdurrahman Wahid, better known as Gus Dur, and a number of elite Kiai (Islamic scholar) and NU politicians founded the PKB. Politics became a new field which captured the interest of many NU followers.

Under Gus Dur's leadership, NU tended to get dragged into politics. Hasyim Muzadi also took the organization in the direction of practical politics, accepting a nomination in the last general election to run as the vice presidential running mate of Megawati Soekarnoputri, leader of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).

So, will he honor the contract? Taking a look at the long history of this organization, which was founded by Hasyim Asy'ari, anything could happen. The promises spelled out in the contract could quite easily be broken.

On the other hand, sections of Muhammadiyah have put forward the idea of establishing a new political party. The national meeting (Tanwir) III of Muhammadiyah was held in Mataram, West Nusa Tenggara, on Dec. 2-5, and recommended bringing this idea to Muhammadiyah's congress next year.

According to its supporters, there are many reasons to build an alternative party. First, there is no positive mutual relationship between Muhammadiyah and PAN. Second, the desire of Amien Rais to take a rest from his top position as Chairman of PAN means that Muhammadiyah cadre are no longer represented in this party. Muhammadiyah is disappointed because PAN is now dominated by non-Muhammadiyah cadres who have no roots in their organization. Hence, PAN no longer has an emotional attachment to Muhammadiyah. Third, PAN cannot claim a mandate from its supporters as a political channel of Muhammadiyah masses. In other words, PAN cannot accommodate people's aspirations. Certainly, PAN is not Muhammadiyah's party, but history has shown that the largest of constituent base of this party were Muhammadiyah masses.

The relationship between NU and Muhammadiyah with practical politics is important and needs to be criticized. Following the political liberation era, both NU and Muhammadiyah have been exploited as objects of manipulation and politicization for short-term political interests. These social-religious organizations have been used by elites to obtain political power. Of course, it is dangerous to democratic agendas.

NU and Muhammadiyah, as vital pillars of Indonesian civil society, must make a political disengagement that distances them from practical politics. It does not mean that they ignore politics. But it must be understood that these organizations should not get involved in -- and must keep their distance from -- day to day politics.

Thus, it is high time that NU makes a definitive return to its Guiding Principles of 1926. NU should not be tied to any particular political party. NU must keep an equal distance from all parties. It is time for the new chairman to run NU without getting involved in politics.

Also, it is time for Muhammadiyah to get back its true purpose as an organization. The fundamental character of Muhammadiyah since 1912, when it was founded by Ahmad Dahlan, is as a religious and social movement. Its main concerns and targets have been community development. From the era of Dutch colonialism to the period of national independence consisting of three subsequent regimes, namely the Old Order (Orde Lama), the New Order (Orde Baru) and the Order of Reformation (Reformasi), Muhammadiyah has firmly maintained the original vision of the organization and has consistently pursued this basic concern.

If Muhammadiyah wants to operate consistently as a religious and social movement, then it must not take the political path by establishing a political party. It could happen that its important social activities would be depreciated. Besides, politics gives rise to conflicts and short-term political interests.

In short, both NU and Muhammadiyah must return to being purely religious and social movements, promoting national integration, and providing tolerant, open-minded, pluralistic and moderate Islamic teachings. NU and Muhammadiyah, as Islamic NGOs, and as important elements of Indonesian civil society, must continue to make consistent efforts to embed the values of civil society and civic virtues by concentrating on the social and cultural aspects of politics rather than on the dimension of power politics. The Indonesian public requires their role in the dynamic processes of democratization and the empowerment of people in this country. So, NU and Muhammadiyah must be put back on track as religious and social organizations, not as Trojan horses for power elites.

The writer is a researcher at Al Maun Foundation, an activist of the Muhammadiyah Scholars Network (JIMM), and also lecturer at the Faculty of Da'wa and Communication, Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University, Jakarta. He can be reached at icahyo17@yahoo.com.

Copyright © 2008 The Jakarta Post - PT Bina Media Tenggara. All Rights Reserved.

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Muhammadiyah needs to focus on social concerns

Published on The Jakarta Post (http://www.thejakartapost.com)

, The Jakarta Post , Jakarta | Wed, 01/05/2005 9:15 AM | Opinion

Alpha Amirrachman, Jakarta

During one sermon, the founder of Muhammadiyah, Ahmad Dahlan, elaborated on the Koranic chapter of al-Ma'un (concerning moral decay and lack of care for others), which, to the bewilderment of the audience, had been repeated during several sermons.

""Why are you repeating this?"" asked one man in the audience.

""Do you really understood this chapter?"" asked Ahmad Dahlan. ""Yes, Kyai.""

""Have you practiced it?""

""Yes, Kyai, every time we pray.""

""That means you haven't practiced it in everyday life,"" Ahmad Dahlan admonished, while urging the audience to look around them for the very poor, take them home, give them decent clothes, food, and a room to stay.

The modest, but powerful responsibility greatly inspired some Muhammadiyah members to reach out to society and meet needs, which was later developed on a large scale -- covering schools, orphanages and hospitals. Not only that, the organization set up the distribution of zakat (the obligatory tax that Muslim must give), which was vital for the poverty eradication at that time. Furthermore, societies were advised to depart from irrational practices such as visiting tombs to ask for blessing, and to deconstruct people's extreme idolization of spiritual leaders. Islamic scholars were not part of the official government bureaucracy, but still secured prominent positions within societies.

With the spirit of Islam, Muhammadiyah schools tactfully adopted modern curricula, proved to have significantly contributed to the empowerment of people, who had been grossly marginalized both socially and economically during Dutch colonial rule. At a time when patriarchy was so pervasive, Muhammadiyah decisively addressed gender issues by establishing the autonomous Nasyi'atul Aisyiyah.

Steadily, Muhammadiyah alumni took over public positions such as physicians, teachers, bureaucrats and village chiefs, which had previously been dominated by Dutch-educated people. Its educational activities significantly functioned as agents of social change within societies.

Furthermore, Muhammadiyah promoted democratic values by emphasizing collective leadership, not individual, and pushing for egalitarian discussions on social issues.

Likewise, Ahmad Dahlan was successful in spreading the tolerant side of Islam by displaying humility and nurturing warm relationships with leaders of Christian missionary groups in Yogyakarta, such as Reverend Baker and others.

This was clear evidence of Ahmad Dahlan's commitment to building a pluralistic society.

At present, Muhammadiyah has evolved into the second largest Muslim organization in Indonesia with a huge number of universities, schools, orphanages and hospitals spread throughout the archipelago. Its grassroots members and alumni have spread out and become prominent and active in both government and non-governmental organizations.

Such a historical perspective makes it clear that Muhammadiyah was never established to be directly ""involved"" in real politics, was not, until the collapse of the Soeharto regime in 1998. During the euphoria of that time, its outspoken leader -- who was also a prominent reformasi figure -- Amien Rais, established a ""Muhammadiyah political party"" called the National Mandate Party (PAN), which was formally based on a pluralistic platform.

Although it is not structurally under Muhammadiyah, the party became a political vehicle for Muhammadiyah's members to channel their political ambitions. Regrettably, Amien Rais never succeeded in becoming the country's president. Later, Muhammadiyah members became disappointed as many non-members of Muhammadiyah used PAN to advance their political aspirations. Worse still, PAN was attacked from many sides for having an ambiguous ideology -- secularists accused PAN of being too religious, while Islamists said too secular.

There are therefore several points to be considered. First, the ""political failure"" of Muhammadiyah proved that Muhammadiyah is not a political mass organization where the political leaders could sway the members to blindly follow them. It is the result of decades of educational activities where irrational worship towards spiritual leaders had been deconstructed and replaced by a rational way of thinking. The enlightened middle classes who were socially active in muamalah tradition proved to be more ""social capital"", rather than ""political capital"".

Second, it is also the nature of Muhammadiyah, whose members have also become active in other societal or political organizations. Uniting them in one political party proved to be unsuccessful and instead weakened the powerful benefits of spreading its members into other societal groups. Indeed, before and right after independence, many Muhammadiyah figures had been politically active, but their relationships were based more on middle-class networks -- traders or government bureaucrats.

Third, a political party can gradually undermine the social nature of the organization. During the heyday of PAN, for example, many academics from Muhammadiyah universities ""abandoned"" teaching and joined the party to become politicians and inevitably got involved in ""cheap"" power struggles among fellow members. If this trend continues, it could eventually annihilate the educational nature of the organization.

Fourth, as there are always ongoing debates in any organization, a political party can instead polarize Muhammadiyah members. Some might manipulate the debates to amplify their political standing in public, dashing the hopes to have justifiable solutions. For example, the recent showdown between the ""puritans"" and ""inclusivists/liberals"" can be unnecessarily dragged into the political arena and threaten the cohesion of the organization.

In conclusion, small sections within Muhammadiyah, who were so ""hungry"" to form a new political party after being disappointed with PAN, should think seriously before implementing the idea. History tells us that Muhammadiyah was able to evolve into a commanding organization only when it distanced itself from practical politics. The noble agendas laid down by Ahmad Dahlan of enhancing social empowerment through education and promoting democratic virtues of tolerance, pluralism and egalitarianism might never be achieved if politics is mixed in. In the long run, making Muhammadiyah more socially inclusive, not politically exclusive, is far more beneficial.

The writer is a lecturer at the University of Muhammadiyah Prof. Dr. Hamka and a former activist of the Muhammadiyah Student's Association and Youth Islamic Study Club (YISC) Al-Azhar Jakarta. He can be reached at a.amirrachman@edfac.usyd.edu.au.

Copyright © 2008 The Jakarta Post - PT Bina Media Tenggara. All Rights Reserved.

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`Moderate Islam' typology missing the point

Ahmad Najib Burhani , Jakarta | Thu, 11/12/2009 1:34 PM | Opinion

There is a standard perspective among laypeople in the US and Europe when they perceive Islam. They classify Muslims into two oppositional categories, such as good versus bad Muslim, and moderate versus non-moderate Muslims.
This simple division is based on elementary logic and cannot imagine any variety of religiosity beyond these two categories - white and black. And there is no place for an additional category in this model of typology.
If a certain number of Muslims would be included in the moderate Islam category, the remaining people would be categorized as non-moderate. This is a political conclusion on Muslim politicism which is often disregards sociological or theological considerations. This further raises the question, who is a moderate Muslim?
The logic behind this categorization is like what the former US president George W. Bush stated in the beginning of "war on terror", when he gave two options for Muslims, "either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists".
Moderate Islam or "good" Muslims is the name applied to Muslims who are "friendly" with the US, and non-moderate Islam is a designation for Muslims who oppose the West.
Any current justification supporting the idea that moderate Islam is the ideal position for Muslim is only post hoc. They appear after this term was invented and popularized, not before.
If we go to the commentaries of the Koran, the meaning of din al-wasath (median or moderate religion) or ummatan wasathan (moderate people) is not used to refer to the median position between liberal and radical (or terrorists) - the beloved meaning of the term used by proponents of "moderate Islam" - but between Christianity and Judaism or between "soft" and "hard" religions.
The new negative meaning of wasath (not liberal and not radical) has occurred as justification after the term "moderate Islam" was propagated.
Furthermore, applying the term moderate Islam would strengthen the belief in the existence of a "clash of civilizations", a belief that there is only one Islam and one Western civilization, and that these two worlds are in eternal conflict, are incompatible and incommensurable.
This is a belief strongly held by both the orientalists and their followers, such as Bernard Lewis, Samuel Huntington, and George W. Bush, as well as fundamentalist Muslims such as Osama bin Laden. Although they are opposing each other in politics, they share in their understanding on Islam.
While some Muslims believe that all Muslim people are members of ummatan wahidah (a single community), in fact they are different in terms of ethnicity and nationality. In terms of geography, linguistics, theological and law understanding, Muslim people are not unified.
Osama Bin Laden abandons these anthropological and sociological differences. The only difference that he submits is between male and female, gender or sexual difference. Orientalists, and their obedient followers like Huntington, fully accept this notion.
Besides having the same notion as Osama, they also essentialize all Muslim people into a single form; they have a different civilization that is not compatible with the West and have an inherent hatred of the West. They also believe there is a single West, regardless of their differences in religion, ethnicity and nationality.
The political term "moderate Islam" is not helpful in establishing a social category. My suggestion is to avoid this term in reading or understanding Muslim people.
Instead of using this controversial term, using traditional sociological category such as modernist and traditionalist Muslim is much more useful. Although the traditional classification of modernist and traditionalist is currently less sharp than several decades ago, this category does not fall into essentializing Islam into two categories based on hatred.
Over time, Muslims are facing new challenges that are different from what they faced a decade or a century ago. The term modernist and traditionalist is a result of scholars reading about Islam phenomena in the 20th century when they faced colonialism, animism and mystics.
The new challenges (new religious extremes, globalization, Westernization etc) divide Muslim people into several categories such as salafist, liberal, progressive, neofundamentalist and Islamist. These sociological and theological terms are a better alternative than the political term "moderate Islam".
The writer is a researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) and the Maarif Institute.

http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/11/12/moderate-islam039-typology-missing-point.html

Home, Fatherhood, Succession: Three Generations of Amrullahs in Twentieth-Century Indonesia

• Jeffrey Hadler, Associate Professor Univ California - Berkeley
  
• Indonesia, Vol. 65, (Apr., 1998), pp. 123-154
• Published by: Southeast Asia Program Publications at Cornell University

Hamka has not been well-served by scholars, and often it would seem for good reason. In Ajahku and Kenang-kenangan Hidup he constructs a portrait of himself as a man who is often misguided and callow, forever in the long shadow of his father, Haji Abdul Karim Amrullah (usually referred to as Haji Rasul). So as novelist, he is dismissed: "Hamka cannot be considered a great author by any standards."4 As politician, he is criticized for having worked closely with the Japanese, actions that exposed him to charges of collaboration. Following the occupation, unable to claim a heroic role in the revolution, he relocated to Jakarta where, "In the fifties and sixties he had turned himself, if not into a religious scholar, at least into a popularizer of Islam."5 Imprisoned by Sukarno for speaking out against Guided Democracy and the PKI, Hamka was rehabilitated under Suharto as a leader of reformist Islam and head of the Majelis Ulama. If the Revolution is the fiery triumph and the Orde Baru a grim betrayal in the arc of Indonesian history, then there is apparently little to admire in Hamka's life.

So the most current narrative of Indonesian history-valorizing the Revolution and demonizing the Orde Baru-renders Hamka politically unserviceable. This is unfortunate.6 Hamka was almost certainly the most successful Islamic populist of twentieth-century Indonesia, from his Tasauuf Modern of the 1930s to the radio sermons of the 1970s. And although he eagerly cooperated with the Japanese, the image of Hamka as a failed Revolutionary is deliberately loaded into his autobiography and is not borne out in the record of his activities. Sukarno and Hatta were also able to be "collaborators," yet they managed to maintain their reputations as untarnished revolutionaries; association with the Japanese precluded nothing. And while Hamka's son Rusydi reiterates that his father was defamed and despised in Medan ("ayah dituduh lari dan dtitnah serta dibenci"), he also recalls that back in Minangkabau Hamka worked for the remainder of the Revolution as both the head of the local Muhammadiyah and errant colporteur.7 Kenang-kenangan Hidup and Ajahku were written in West Sumatra during this period. When in 1950 Hamka demanded to be read as a failure, political recuperation was still perhaps possible. But Hamka brilliantly, and authoritatively, defames himself in his narratives, and so makes possible a narrative of transformation and redemption.

Civil Society in Indonesia: The Potential and Limits of Muhammadiyah

By: Fuad, Muhammad.
Teaches in the English Department, Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Universityof Indonesia, Jakarta,

SOJOURN: Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia,
Oct 2002, Vol. 17 Issue 2, p133-163, 31p;

Abstract:

With the help of two case studies, a hospital and a school, this article looks at how grassroots initiatives can be a key impetus for the growth in health and education services provided by the Muhammadiyah movement. Such local initiatives are partly driven by a sense of competition with the Christians as well as other Islamic movements. They also come with their own internal politics that are free of external interference. In that sense, the growth of Muhammadiyah activities constitutes a civil society space independent of the state. Independence does not mean that such activities need to be in conflict with the state. In effect, there is a mutually reliant and complementary relationship between Muhammadiyah social services and the state that subsidizes them to varying degrees. These factors describe Muhammadiyah's potential for growth as a civil society actor. However, the movement also faces limitations such as the paucity of economic resources. Ultimately, there also remain major dilemmas such as the contending claims of religious tenets and modernity or to uphold Islam through power politics or cultural politics.

Modernist Islam in Southeast Asia: A New Examination

By: Howard M. Federspiel. Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

Muslim World, 00274909, Fall2002, Vol. 92, Issue 3/4

Database: Academic Search Complete

Scholarly activity is in constant flux and this is the case in Islamic Studies, where one of the important contemporary trends centers on research that transcends national boundaries for regional and universalist views of Islam and Muslims. In part, this trend reflects tendencies within Islam itself, where fundamentalism and globalization have broadened conceptions of what the universal Muslim community should be and where Islamic activity might profitably be undertaken. In part, the trend, reflects scholars' own interests where enough studies of single countries or ethno-geographic regions (such as the Arab world) exist to encourage attempts at integration of major trends crossing political and social boundaries. Islamic modernism in Southeast Asia offers a case study of such development. Starting as an important movement in the Ottoman Empire in the latter part of the nineteenth century, Islamic modernism had a wide impact on Islamic societies throughout the world by the 1940s, when its message was superseded or integrated into the philosophies and ideologies of the day. An important arena for modernist activity was Southeast Asia, where the movement had a significant impact on Muslims in Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and southern Thailand. The movement in Southeast Asia left a considerable record of its activity and was subsequently covered academically by a fair number of scholarly studies on the individual personalities and associations important in the movement, although none were addressed specifically to an assessment of the overall modernist Muslim movement in the region. This article was written as an attempt to begin such an assessment.

The Muhammadijah: A Study of an Orthodox Islamic Movement in Indonesia

• Howard M. Federspiel
• Indonesia, Vol. 10, (Oct., 1970), pp. 57-79
• Published by: Southeast Asia Program Publications at Cornell University

The Muhammadijah is generally recognized as belonging to that trend among Indonesian Muslims which reflects traditional Islamic values developed in the Middle East, and hence the label "orthodox"' may be applied to the movement. This orthodoxy stresses the "Oneness of God" (tawhid), proper behavior (akhlaq) and proper performance of ritual obligations (fiqh) . Transcending these beliefs and behavior is a concern that such religious values are the paramount consideration in life to which all other values must be subservient. The Muslim individual is expected to subject himself to the teachings of God wherever he is and to perform faithfully those obligations. He is also obliged, because of loyalty to the community of believers (ummah) and because there are obligations that only the community can fulfill, to establish, whenever possible, community responsibility for fulfillment of religious obligations.

Column and Opinion

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Book Review

1. ‘Aisyiyah Luncurkan Buku Respon Muhammadiyah Terhadap KDRT. Muhammadiyah.or.id, [June 16, 2009]
2. Blangkon Muhammadiyah. Koran Tempo, Edisi 19 September 2010. Resensi buku: Muhammadiyah Jawa. Penulis: Ahmad Najib Burhani
3. Darah Guru Darah Muhammadiyah: Setengah Abad Kiprah A Malik Fadjar. Pelita, [November 19, 2009]
4. Biografi Singkat (1869-1923) KH. Ahmad Dahlan. Kedaulatan Rakyat, Bedah Buku, tgl 12 April 2009.
5. Pluralisme Perspektif Muda Muhammadiyah. Jawa Pos, [ Minggu, 01 November 2009 ]. Muh. Kholid A.S., redaktur pelaksana majalah MATAN PW Muhammadiyah Jawa Timur
6. Di dalam Muhammadiyah Muncul Kristen-Muhammadiyah. Kompas, Selasa, 11 Agustus 2009 | 02:44 WIB
7. Wajah Lain Muhammadiyah. Resensi, Seputar Indonesia, Minggu, 20 December 2008
8. Imitatio Islam ala Kaum Muda Muhammadiyah. Ismatillah A Nu’ad. Retrieved from: http://ismatillahnuad.wordpress.com/2008/10/17/imitatio-islam-ala-kaum-muda-muhammadiyah/
9. Berebut Tafsir di Muhammadiyah
   Jawa Pos, [ Minggu, 22 November 2009 ]
   Moh. Shofan, Peneliti di Yayasan Paramadina Jakarta

Interview

1. Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah not in 'all-out' war
   Interview with Mitsuo Nakamura
   The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Mon, 01/08/2001 7:40 AM | Opinion
2. Christmas and Muhammadiyah
   The Jakarta Post , Jakarta | Sat, 12/24/2005 4:57 PM | Opinion
3. Din Syamsuddin: A man to watch
   The Jakarta Post, Features - July 11, 2007
   Alpha Amirrachman, Contributor, Jakarta
4. Muhammadiyah Mantapkan Peran: Lakukan Pembaruan Tahap Kedua
   Rabu, 25 November 2009 | 04:13 WIB
5. Muhammadiyah braces for second wave of reform after 100 years
   The Jakarta Post, Thu, 11/26/2009 1:28 PM | Headlines
6. Discussion with Abdul Mukti, Muhammadiyah. November 30, 2009
   http://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/interviews/discussion-with-abdul-mukti-muhammadiya.
7. "Prof Muhadjir Effendy: Pembaruan Muhammadiyah Terus Berkembang." Republika, 04 Juli 2010.

Modern Islam in Indonesia: The Muhammadiyah After Independence

• Leslie H. Palmier
• Pacific Affairs, Vol. 27, No. 3 (Sep., 1954), pp. 255-263
• Published by: Pacific Affairs, University of British Columbia

In Indonesia the Modernist movement took root in the foundation, in 1912, of the Muhammadiyah by Dahlan, who combined the duties of a religious teacher with that of a manufacturer of Batik cloth. Real progress, however, only began in 1922, when it received numerous adherents from the Sarikat Islam, an Islamic association which devoted little time to religion, much to politics, and compromised itself with the Communists. The Muhammadiyah, however, "ne fait pas de politique" but has held to its mission of reforming Islam. It should not be thought, however, that it had no influence on the Nationalist movement. While not taking part in it officially, "it would not be wholly incorrect to say that they are quite as anti-Dutch as other nationalists". Perhaps it exerted its greatest influence by showing those of the vast masses of the country whom it reached, especially those (all too few) who were being educated in the Western way, either by the State schools or by those set up by the Muhammadiyah itself, that Islam and progress were reconcilable. Hence it is not surprising that a substantial number of the leaders of the Nationalist movement, including President Soekarno and the late General Soedirman, founder of the Indonesian Army, have been members.