Showing posts with label Journal Article. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Journal Article. Show all posts

Monday, April 4, 2016

Anti-Terrorism Cooperation between the National Agency for Contra Terrorism and Civil Society: Study Case of Muhammadiyah Disengagement


Indra Putri, Rima Sari. 2013. "Anti-Terrorism Cooperation between the National Agency for Contra Terrorism and Civil Society: Study Case of Muhammadiyah Disengagement". Journal of Defense Management. 02 (04). 

Rima Sari Indra Putri*
Alumni of Post Graduate Defense Management, Indonesian Defense University in Cooperation with Cranfield University England, UK
Corresponding Author :     Rima Sari Indra Putri
Muhammadiyah University of Sidoarjo
Indonesia
E-mail: arcrima2001@yahoo.com

Received July 12, 2012; Accepted October 11, 2012; Published November 29, 2012

Citation: Indra Putri RS (2012) Anti-Terrorism Cooperation Between The National Agency For Contra Terrorism and Civil Society: Study Case of Muhammadiyah Disengagement. J Def Manag 2: 111. doi: 10.4172/2167-0374.1000111

Abstract


This research is about anti-terrorism cooperation between the National Agency for Counterterrorism (Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Terorisme/BNPT) and civil society, study case Muhammadiyah disengagement in the signing of Memorandum Of Understanding between BNPT and Islamic organizations in 2011. The theory applies are Terrorism, Security sector reform and Cooperation. As civil society, Muhammadiyah has conducted anti-terrorism efforts through its structural and cultural roles in politic, socio-economic, diplomatic and education aspect. Unfortunately, there has not been any framework of cooperation established between Muhammadiyah and BNPT, due to several hindering factors. Firstly, Muhammadiyah and BNPT have different perspective in addressing issues on terrorism and anti terrorism methodology. Secondly, political conflict. Thirdly, BNPT’s constraints in time, human resources and funding. Forthly, lack of BNPT’s political will. Actually, Muhammadiyah possess ideological and organisational potential that may facilitate the dissemination of anti terrorism more effective and efficient. Therefore, this study recommends the need for BNPT and Muhammadiyah to strengthen organisational commitment and to start building communication. In addition, the concept of deradicalization applied by BNPT needs to be evaluated and developed. This study is a qualitative research and using descriptive analysis method.

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Saturday, January 2, 2016

Muhammadiyah Studies: The Transformation of Research on Islamic Movement in Indonesia

Analisa: Journal of Social Science and Religion, Vol 22, No 2 (2015): 269-280
Mutohharun Jinan

Abstract

This research aims to describe the studies of the Muhammadiyah movement. Scholars have condukted research, observations, and discussions of the Movement. This research is not limited the Muhammadiyah as an Islamic movement, but also its role as economic,educational, and socio-political movement. Research and discussion on the various dimensions of Muhammadiyah are called "Muhammadiyah Studies". By hitoriographical approach, there are three stages of development in the Muhammadiyah Studies. First, study of the fundamental of islamic teaching (1912-1950). Sceond, the preriod wich the Muhammadiyah Studies as a part of modern islamic studies (1950-200). Thrid, after 200s, Muhammadiyah Studies is Characterized by new themes as a part of papular culture.


References

Abdullah, Amin. 2006. Islamic Studies di Perguruan Tinggi, Pendekatan Integratif-Interkonektif, Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar.

Alfian, 1989. Muhammadiyah: The Political Behavior of a Muslim Modernist Organization Under Dutch Colonialism, Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press.

Baso, Ahmad. 2006. NU Studies: Pergolakan Pemikiran antara Fundamentalisme Islam dan Fundamentalisme Neo-Liberal, Jakarta: Erlangga.

Basral, Akmal Nasery. 2010. Sang Pencerah. Bandung: Mizan.

Geertz, Clifford. 1981 Abangan, Santri, Priyayi dalam Masyarakat Jawa, Jakarta: Pustaka.

Ghazali, Abdurrahim. Dkk. 2007. Muhammadiyah Progresif: Manifesto Pemikiran Kaum Muda, Jakarta: JIMM-LESFI.

Hirata, Andrea. 2005. Laskar Pelangi, Jakarta: Bentang Budaya.

Hadikusuma, Djarnawi. 1969. Jalan Mendekatkan Diri Kepada Allah. Yogyakarta: Persatuan.

Kleden, Ignas. 1988. Sikap Ilmiah dan Kritik Kebudayaan, Jakarta: LP3ES.

Kurniawan, Rizaluddin, dkk., 207. Komik Muhammadiyah, Jakarta: Dar Mizan.

Mu’tasim, Radjasa. 2013. Agama dan Pariwisata: Telaah Atas transformasi Keagamaan Komunitas Muhammadiyah Borobudur, Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar.

Mulkhan, Abdul Munir. 2000. Islam Murni dalam Masyarakat Petani, Yogyakarta: Bentang Budaya.

Nakamura, Mitsuo.1983. Bulan Sabit Muncul dari Balik Pohon Beringin, Yogyakarta: Gajah Mada University Press.

Nashir, Haedar. 2010. Muhammadiyah Gerakan Pembaruan, Yogyakarta: Suara Muhammadiyah.

Noor, Deliar. 1982. Gerakan Modern Islam Di Indonesia 1900-1945, Jakarta: LP3ES.

Peacock, James L. 1978. Muslim Puritan: Reformist Psychology in Southeast Asian Islam, Berkeley and London: University of California Press.

_______. 1982. Purifiying of the Faith: The Muhammadiyah Movement in Indonesia Islam, Menlo Park, California: The Benjamin Publishing Company.

Qoadir, Zuly. 2010. Muhammadiyah Studies: Reorientasi Gerakan dan Pemikiran Memasuki Abad Kedua, Yogyakarta: Kanisius.

Ricklefs, M.C. 2013. Mengislamkan Jawa: Sejarah Islamisasi dan Penentangnya dari 1930 sampai Sekarang, Jakarta: Serambi.

Shihab, Alwi. 1999. Membendung Arus: Respon Muhammadiyah terhadap Penetrasi Misi Kristen di Indonesia, Bandung: Mizan.

van Bruinessen, Martin. 1995. Rakyat Kecil Islam dan Politik, Yogyakarta: Bentang.

Wahid, Abdurrahman (ed.). 2009. Ilusi Negara Islam: Ekspansi Gerakan Transnasional di Indonesia, Jakarta: Gramedia.

Yuristiadi, Ghifari. 2014. “Studi Muhammadiyah di Mata ‘Muhammadiyahnis’ Lokal dan Asing: Perkembangan Tema, Locus dan Tempus Kajian (Sebuah Kajian Historiografis Awal)”, Makalah dipresentasikan pada Kolokium Internasionalisasi Muhammadiyah di Universitas Muhammadiyah Surakarta, 21-23 Nopember.



DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18784/analisa.v22i2.96

http://blasemarang.kemenag.go.id/journal/index.php/analisa/article/view/96/163

Friday, January 1, 2016

Transforming the writing of history: The new narrative of enlightenment within Muhammadiyah

Transforming the writing of history: The new narrative of enlightenment within Muhammadiyah

RIMA: Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs
Volume 47 Issue 2 (2013)

Harijanto, Christian1; Chalmers, Ian

Abstract: This article seeks to account for a recent change in the method of history writing within the major Indonesian social organisation Muhammadiyah, namely a shift from chronology to historical narrative. Until recently, Muhammadiyah's history had always been written as a chronicle, a form with minimal moral import. But in 2010 Muhammadiyah published an historical account that takes the form of a narrative, a form with a beginning, middle and moral end. This historical account has been constructed around three ideas: the importance of individual enlightenment, that the founder of Muhammadiyah (Ahmad Dahlan) was the prototype of the enlightened individual, and that divine intervention served to monitor this process. Further, this article suggests that the change to a narrative form can be explained by shifts in the political balance within Muhammadiyah as it responds to a changing social context.

To cite this article: Harijanto, Christian and Chalmers, Ian. Transforming the writing of history: The new narrative of enlightenment within Muhammadiyah [online]. RIMA: Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, Vol. 47, No. 2, 2013: 63-90. Availability: ISSN: 0815-7251. [cited 11 Jan 16].

Personal Author: Harijanto, Christian; Chalmers, Ian; Source: RIMA: Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, Vol. 47, No. 2, 2013: 63-90 Document Type: Journal Article ISSN: 0815-7251 Subject: Islam and politics--Historiography; Cultural pluralism--Religious aspects--Islam; Knowledge, Theory of (Islam); Muhammadiyah (Organization); Islamic renewal; Affiliation: (1) Teacher, Curtin University and Murdoch University, Western Australia


http://search.informit.com.au/documentSummary;dn=598612651246799;res=IELIND

Thursday, February 26, 2015

Teologi Mustad’afin di Indonesia: Kajian atas Teologi Muhammadiyah

Jurnal TSAQAFAH, Vol. 7, No. 2, Oktober 2011, hal. 345-374.

Sokhi Huda
Institut Keislaman K.H. Hasyim Asy’ari (IKAHA) Jombang
Email: sokhihuda81@gmail.com

Abstract
Mustad’afin Theology in Indonesia is the new face of al-Ma’un theology initiated by the Ahmad Dahlan. It eventually accumulates with more extensive issues and involves partnerships with other parties in order to achieve its praxis strategy. The basic assumption of this theology is that the practice of worship must be directly related to social concerns, with a foundation of monotheism
that manifests itself into the realm of praxis. This finally leads to the key words of “social unity” and “social rituals” which are then developed in the context of contemporary nationhood and statehood in Indonesia. Moreover, its epistemology primarily comes from: (1) Wahhabi-Salafi ideology of Rashid Rida, (2) the idea of education reform of Muhammad ‘Abduh, and (3) theology of al-Ma’un of Ahmad Dahlan. These three basic epistemologies are equipped with a significant adaptation to seven factors, in order to be accepted as a theology of liberators movement in Indonesia. The performance of Mustad’afin theology is a theology that does social defense for the following conditions: (1) oppression of faith, (2) retardation, (3) suffering of economic and social status, (4) moral suffering, and (5) the threat of theologies and the existence of Indonesia. Finally, it implies the necessity of Mustad’afin Islamic Jurisprudence to regulate the conduct of worship and social community. Furthermore, the exclusive part of Wahhabi-Salafi Islamic jurisprudence is no longer posed.

Teologi Mustad’afin di Indonesia adalah wajah baru dari teologi al-Ma’un yang diprakarsai oleh Ahmad Dahlan. Teologi tersebut terakumulasi pada isu-isu yang lebih luas dan melibatkan hubungan dengan pihak lain dalam rangka untuk mencapai strategi praksisnya. Asumsi dasar dari teologi ini adalah bahwa praktik ibadah harus langsung terkait dengan masalah sosial, dengan landasan tauhid yang memanifestasikan dirinya ke dalam wilayah praksis. Hal ini akhirnya mengarah pada kata-kata kunci, seperti “kesatuan sosial” dan “ritual sosial” yang kemudian dikembangkan dalam konteks kebangsaan dan kenegaraan kontemporer di Indonesia. Lebih lanjut, epistemologi pada teologi Mustad’afin utamanya berasal dari: (1) ideologi Wahhabi-Salafi Rasyid Ridha, (2) pemikiran reformasi pendidikan Muhammad Abduh, dan (3) teologi al-Ma’un dari Ahmad Dahlan. Ketiga epistemologi dasar ini dilengkapi dengan adaptasi yang signifikan terhadap tujuh faktor, agar dapat diterima sebagai gerakan teologi pembebas di Indonesia. Akhirnya disimpulkan, bahwa kinerja Teologi Mustad’afin adalah teologi yang melakukan pertahanan sosial untuk kondisi berikut: (1) penindasan iman, (2) retardasi, (3) penderitaan ekonomi dan status sosial, (4) keterpurukan moral, serta (5) ancaman teologi dan ancaman bagi persatuan Indonesia. Hal ini mengisyaratkan perlunya fiqh Islam Mustad’afin untuk mengatur perilaku ibadah dan sosial masyarakat. Sehingga, bagian eksklusif dari hukum Islam Wahhabisalafi tidak lagi dikedepankan.

Keywords: Teologi Mustad’afin, fikih Mustad’afin, teologi Profetik, teologi Pembebasan, strategi praksis.

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Tuesday, February 24, 2015

Perkembangan Muhammadiyah di Mojokerto 1990-2012

AVATARA, e-Journal Pendidikan Sejarah Volume 1, No. 3, Oktober 2013, h. 493-502

Maftuh Afnan
Jurusan Pendidikan Sejarah, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Universitas Negeri Surabaya
E-mail : citukduatujuh@rocketmail.com
Aminuddin Kasdi
Jurusan Pendidikan Sejarah, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Universitas Negeri Surabaya

Sejak berdirinya organisasi Muhammadiyah telah menampilkan diri sebagai suatu fenomena yang unik dalam kehidupan keagamaan di Indonesia. Sebagai gerakan sosial, pendidikan, dan dakwah selama lebih dari satu abad. Muhammadiyah Mojokerto yang didirikan pada 17 april 1932 tidak mengalami perkembangan yang menonjol. Sampai tahun 1990 Muhammadiyah Daerah Mojokerto memiliki beberapa cabang, baru pada tahun 1990 Muhammadiyah Daerah Mojokerto menunjukkan perkembangan signifikan. Dengan berdirinya cabang-cabang Muhammadiyah yang ada di hampir setiap kecamatan yang ada di Mojokerto. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, permasalahan yang dikaji dalam penelitian ini, yaitu: (1) bagaimana perkembangan Muhammadiyah di Mojokerto tahun 1990, (2) bagaimana perkembangan Muhammadiyah di Mojokerto pada tahun 1990-2012, dan (3) apasaja aktivitas Muhammadiyah di Mojokerto tahun 1990-2012. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode sejarah, meliputi heuristik, kritik sumber, interpretasi dan historiografi. Metode pengumpulan data yang digunakan adalah wawancara, observasi, arsip dan studi pustaka. Kemudian, data dipilah, diolah dan hasilnya disajikan dalam bentuk historiografi atau penulisan sejarah. Sejak periode kepemimpinan Nazaruddin Rahman BA. (1985-1990). Kebijaksanaan yang dilakukan secara garis besar terdiri dari empat bidang yaitu : pembinaan organisasi, pengembangan gerakan dakwah, kederisasi dan pembinaan Angkatan Muda Muhammadiyah. Kebijakan-kebijakan tersebut dilaksanakan secara berkelanjutan pada periode-periode selanjutnya yaitu pada periode 1991-1995, 1995-2000, 2000-2005, 2005-2010, dan 2010-2015, yang tentunya disesuaikan dengan kondisi umat. Sehingga gerakan yang dilakukan Muhammadiyah Mojokerto lebih terfokus dan mengena. Hasilnya dapat dilihat, Muhammadiyah Mojokerto mengalami perkembangan yang signifikan setelah tahun 1990 baik dari segi organisasinya maupun amal usahanya. Muhammadiyah Daerah Mojokerto sampai sekarang memiliki 13 sekolah mulai dari tingkat dasar sampai menengah atas, 5 panti asuhan yatim (PAY), 1 rumah sakit dan 20 Masjid, 26 Mushollah dan 2 Taman Pendidikan Al-Qur’an.

Kata Kunci : Muhammadiyah, Mojokerto

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Tuesday, December 30, 2014

The Reformasi '98 and the Arab Spring: A Comparative Study of Popular Uprisings in Indonesia and Tunisia

Asian Politics & Policy
Volume 6, Issue 2, pages 199–215, April 2014

Ahmad Najib Burhani†
  1. Ahmad Najib Burhani is a researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), Jakarta. He received his PhD in Religious Studies from the University of California-Santa Barbara, USA. His academic interests include “minority religions in Islam,” “Islamic movements in Southeast Asia,” and “cosmopolitan sufism.”
 Keywords:
  • Ennahda party;
  • political Islam;
  • politik aliran;
  • Rachid Ghannouchi;
  • secularism
Abstract
By comparing popular uprisings in Indonesia and Tunisia, this article intends to answer the questions: What kind of condition made the Islamists successfully take over the state in Tunisia, while they failed to do so in Indonesia? What are the similarities and differences between the uprisings in these two countries? This article argues that the historical and sociopolitical position of Islamists during the authoritarian regimes determined the fate of Islamist parties after the uprisings. The role of Ennahda party as a symbol of opposition has contributed to its rise after the Tunisian Spring, while the involvement of Islamists in the regime during the last years of Suharto's rule contributed to the decline of Islamist parties in Indonesia. However, the strongest argument for the decline of Islamist parties in Indonesia is the fading away of political streams. Furthermore, the role of Muslim scholars in desacralizing Islamist parties in Indonesia has significantly challenged and undermined the identification of Islam with Islamist parties.

http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/aspp.12113/abstract


Review to the article:
A Study of Islamist Politics in Indonesia and Tunisia
24th April 2014 Posted by nyucenterfordialogues 3 notes

Here is a great comparative study by Ahmad Najib Burhani of the models of Islamist politics in Indonesia – the most populous Muslim country in the world – and Tunisia – the birthplace of the “Arab Spring.”

Burhani explores the gains made by Islamist groups following the 1998 uprising in Indonesia and the 2010 uprising in Tunisia. In Indonesia, Islamist politics are no longer synonymous with Islamist parties. Although initially, in 1955, in the first democratic election in Indonesia following its independence, Muslims were urged to vote only for Islamist parties, the country has since developed a more nuanced understanding of Islam and politics. Burhani makes the argument that Islamist civil society organizations, like Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), have become the main forces behind Islamist politics in Indonesia, while the Islamist political parties have lost support.

In Tunisia, on the other hand, Ennahda, an allegedly moderate Islamist political party, wields virtually all of the Islamist political force. Ennahda won a plurality in the 2011 parliamentary elections (89 out of 217 seats) and used its gains to hold the Prime Minister’s office from then until January 2014. Although the Ennahda government was replaced with a coalition government in January, the party is still a major player in the Tunisian political field. It’s true that extremist Salafi group Ansar Al-Sharia makes the press with some its more high-profile tactics, but to most Tunisians, it is clear that the only Islamist group with any real sway is Ennahda. Yet, even Ennahda’s leader, Rachid Al-Ghannouchi, has made statements supporting a less politicized role for Islamism. Burhani points to a 2013 quote by Ghannouchi: “We do not need to impose Islam because it is the people’s religion and not the elite’s, and Islam has not endured for so long because of states’ influence, but rather due to the large acceptance it enjoys among its adherents, in fact the state has often been a burden on religion.”

Is it possible, as the Indonesian model seems to indicate, for Muslims, particularly “Islamists,” to support a secular political system? Should Ennahda take its leader’s advice and seek to keep Islam out of the formal governance structure? If so, perhaps Ennahda should consider empowering Islamist civil society organizations, rather than attempting to impose an Islamist order on the political system.

In Egypt, too, although the moment might be too late, it might be best for Islamists to reinforce the civil society aspect of the Muslim Brotherhood, instead of pushing for an explicit political role for the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP). Had Morsi and the FJP not demanded Islamist policies during their year in power, maybe the tragedies in Egypt last summer could have been avoided. Maybe, for once, Egypt could have had an option that was neither an Islamist dictatorship nor a military coup.

http://nyucenterfordialogues.tumblr.com/post/83717502080/a-study-of-islamist-politics-in-indonesia-and

Also: http://blog.minaret.org/?p=11511&cpage=1#comment-1250767

Sunday, December 14, 2014

Rationality and Enlightenment: A Comparison of Educational Reforms Promoted by Gülen Movement and Muhammadiyah



1. Introduction

I have been working on Islamic social movements in Indonesia over almost four decades now. Since the 1990’s, I have also extended my geographic coverage to other parts of the Islamic world mostly through Malay speaking peoples’ networks. However, it was only three years ago (2008) on my second trip to Turkey that I learned the existence of the GM. A Turkish Japanese couple organized a group tour, and my wife and I joined it. The couple has been supporters of the movement and trying to spread its network in Japan. In Turkey, my wife and I were introduced to the leaders of the Journalists and Writers Association, and visited a couple of Gülen -inspired centers in the eastern part of Turkey. Through that trip, we came to know for the first time the fact that GM in the form of ‘Turkish schools’ was extending to Indonesia, too, and also to other parts of Southeast Asia. Then, on a later occasion in Indonesia, we had a chance to visit Kharisma School in the out skirt of Jakarta, even though it was a very brief visit. Those visits made us curious of the GM very much and we started to learn more about it through its publications and website information. Then, the above-mentioned couple organized again a group trip to Turkey the last summer.  My wife and I were exposed again more of Gülen-inspired activities now going on in the country. 
Thus far, as you see, my knowledge and understanding on the GM has been very limited. But the movement is attractive enough for me as a researcher on Islamic movements to make me venture into a comparison with the Muhammadiyah movement in Indonesia, which I have been familiar with for many decades.
As pointed out by Barton, the two robust Islamic social movements in Indonesia, Nahdlatul ‘Ulama’ (NU hereafter) and Muhammadiyah, have many parallels to GM. However, I will focus my attention mostly on Muhammadiyah partly because its education system is perhaps the most extensive in the Islamic world and comparable to GM as Barton pointed out, and partly because I am more familiar with Muhammadiyah than with NU. Nevertheless, I will mention NU as well when it becomes relevant to my discussion.
Today, Muhammadiyah has grown to be the largest private school system in Indonesia with more than 10,000 educational institutions --- ranging from playgroups and kindergartens to colleges and universities. It also operates more than 450 institutions of medical services including hospitals, clinics, delivery houses; more than 450 social welfare institutions including orphanages, elders houses, the poor houses; and more than 550 economic mutual help associations including microfinance unions and cooperatives.[2] The movement is now widely recognized as the second largest Islamic faith-based civil society organization in Indonesia with roughly thirty million members and supporters, alongside its ‘rival’, i.e. the traditionalist Islamic organization, NU, which claims forty million members and supporters.

Monday, December 8, 2014

The Contested State of Sufism in Islamic Modernism: The Case of the Muhammadiyah Movement in Twentieth-Century Indonesia

Journal of Sufi studies 3 (2014): 183–219, doi 10.1163/22105956-12341269

The Contested State of Sufism in Islamic Modernism: The Case of the Muhammadiyah Movement in Twentieth-Century Indonesia
Herman L. Beck
Tilburg University (The Netherlands)

AbstractThe Muhammadiyah in Indonesia is commonly known not to be very sympathetic towards mysticism in terms of its manifestations in mystical religious fraternities and pantheistic identity mysticism. Although its stance versus these religious phenomena seems to be very clear, many of its members are struggling to determine their attitude towards the issue. The continuing uncertainty about its legitimacy is evident from the questions Muhammadiyah members send to the Suara Muhammadiyah regarding this topic. In this article I focus on the Muhammadiyah’s ‘official’ vision through its first hundred years of existence. My thesis is that its rigidness in rejecting ‘mystical and spiritual’ manifestations is not only caused by its fear of unbelief and heresy, but also closely related to the political and social circumstances in which it is confronted with these ‘mystical and spiritual’ manifestations in the first place.

Keywords: aliran kepercayaan – Indonesia – Islamic modernism – kebatinan – Muhammadiyah – mysticism – polemic – religious diversity – Sufism – tarekats

Conclusions
In answering the three questions formulated at the beginning of this contribution, it should be concluded that Hardjono Kusumodiprodjo’s opinion regarding the Muhammadiyah’s rejection of Sufism and ‘tarekat’ teaching requires some nuance. Throughout its history, the Muhammadiyah has accepted Sufism in its ‘ihsan form’ but Sufism and ‘tarekat’ teaching containing ‘heretical’ aspects were always repudiated. Kusumodiprodjo presented a rather biased view on the Muhammadiyah’s stance towards mysticism, Sufism, and tarekats. However, it cannot be argued that a kind of ‘officially’ defined Muhammadiyah position vis-à-vis mysticism, Sufism, and tarekats ever existed. The Muhammadiyah’s attitude to mysticism, Sufism, and tarekats could change depending on the contemporary social and political context, the ‘spiritual’ needs of the Indonesian Muslims, and the ‘denominational spirit’ of the Central Board in charge. This Central Board is elected once every five years and is supposed to represent, more-or-less, the mind ofthe majority of the members of the Muhammadiyah. It is important to take into account that, within such a huge organization like the Muhammadiyah, the existence of different denominational and political currents is unavoidable.137 Understandably, the Muhammadiyah’s policy was subject to fluctuation. Indeed, after its 43rd Muktamar in 1995, a ‘spiritual spring’ seems to have dawned with the election of a so-called ‘progressive’ Central Board. However, whether this ‘spiritual spring’ will continue is questionable because a ‘conservative turn’ seems to have taken place again since the election of the new Central Board in 2005.138 In any case, whoever wants to make a guess at the Muhammadiyah’s future attitude towards Sufism and tarekats would be wise to keep in mind the lesson the Muhammadiyah’s history teaches us: as long as Sufism is sharia-abiding and promotes morality it will be tolerated by the Muhammadiyah, but as soon as it becomes heterodox and heteroprax it will be challenged.

Friday, September 5, 2014

Financing Muhammadiyah: The Early Economic Endeavours of a Muslim Modernist Mass Organization in Indonesia (1920s-1960s)

Studia Islamika, Vol. 21, No. 1, 2014: 1-46

Gwenael Njoto-Feillard

Abstract
Throughout its history, Indonesia's largest Islamic reformist organization, the Muhammadiyah, has relied on funding based on the gift economy. Using the organization's archived financial reports from the 1920s to the 1960s --a source that had yet to be exploited-- this study shows how the Muhammadiyah used different shares of resources (donations, member fees, subsidies, etc.) to finance its organization. In the pre-War period, the Muhammadiyah Central Board became noticeably reliant on colonial subsidies. The reformist organization attempted to emancipate itself from this dependency and develop its own productive sector (businesses, cooperatives, banking, etc.), which raised various ethical questions as this socio-religious institution decides to operate lucrative economic endeavours. Finally, this article argues that the case of Muhammadiyah clearly shows how Indonesian Islam was, quite early on, well-informed of the ethical debates surrounding the idea of 'Islamic economics' long before its recent emergence as an economic initiative in the Muslim communities.

Keywords: Indonesia, Muhammadiyah, Islam, gift economy, Reformism, enterprise zakat.

Abstrak
Sepanjang sejarahnya, Muhammadiyah, organisasi Islam reformis terbesar Indonesia, bergantung pada pendanaan yang berasal dari bantuan. Dengan menggunakan arsip laporan keuangan organisasi dari 1920 sampi 1960 --sumber yang masih harus digali-- artikel ini menggambarkan secara rinci perbedaan bagian sumber-sumber pendanaan (sedekah, iuran anggota, subsidi, dll.). Ia menunjukkan bahwa pada masa pra-peperangan, Muhammadiyah telah berusaha memberdayakan sendiri dari ketergantungan ini dan mengembangkan sektor-sektor produktif milik sendiri (usaha, koperasi, perbankan, dll.) yang juga dijelaskan artikel ini secara rinci. Tulisan ini juga menunjukkan aneka kesulitan etis yang muncul saat lembaga kemasyarakatan-keagamaan ini memutuskan untuk mengerahkan tujuannya kepada usaha-usaha yang menguntungkan. Terlebih kasus Muhammadiyah memperlihatkan secara jelas bahwa Islam Indonesia, sejak awal, telah memperoleh informasi dengan baik mengenai etika seputar gagasan "Ekonomi Islam". 

Saturday, April 12, 2014

Tafsir Sosial Ideologi Keagamaan Kaum Muda Muhammadiyah: Telaah terhadap Fenomena Jaringan Intelektual Muda Muhammadiyah (JIMM)

Jurnal Salam, Volume 12 Nomor 2 Juli - Desember 2009:  31-43
Biyanto
Fakultas Ushuluddin IAIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya

Muhammadiyah merupakan organisasi sosial keagamaan yang didirikan KH Ahmad Dahlan di Yogyakarta pada 18 November 1912. Menurut Deliar Noer (1996: 84), perihal pendirian Muhammadiyah adalah atas saran yang diajukan oleh murid Ahmad Dahlan dan beberapa anggota Budi Utomo dengan harapan agar dapat mendirikan suatu lembaga pendidikan yang bersifat permanen. Bahkan untuk urusan proses permintaan pengakuan kepada kepala pemerintahan sebagai badan hukum pun diusahakan oleh pimpinan Budi Utomo.

Sebagai salah satu organisasi terbesar di tanah air, Muhammadiyah sangat menekankan amal usaha di bidang kesejahteraan sosial sehingga dipandang sebagai representasi aliran reformis dan modernis (Clifford Geertz, 1960; Alfian, 1989). Pengertian dari kedua istilah tersebut menempatkan Muhammadiyah sebagai organisasi yang secara terus-menerus bertujuan memelihara bagian dari masa lampau, menjustifikasi masa kini, dan melegitimasi masa depan, sehingga dapat menciptakan kaitan antara yang lama dan yang baru. Kaum reformis mempercayai bahwa mereka dapat hidup di dunia modern tanpa meninggalkan prinsip ajaran agama. Achmad Jainuri (2002: 4-5) menyatakan bahwa dalam rangka menjustifikasi paradigma ini Muhammadiyah sangat percaya bahwa sumber-sumber fundamental Islam dapat diterjemahkan dalam realitas konkrit kehidupan keagamaan, sosial, ekonomi, dan politik kaum Muslim Indonesia.

Dalam perkembangannya, Muhammadiyah selain menampilkan citra sebagai organisasi modern dengan segudang kesusksesan juga menuai kritik tajam. Ironinya salah satu kritik tersebut justru muncul dari kalangan anak muda Muhammadiyah. Salah satu kelompok yang mengkritik adalah aktivis Jaringan
Intelektual Muda Muhammadiyah (JIMM). JIMM tentu memiliki argumen perihal ketidakcocokkannya dengan faham keagamaan yang dikembangkan Muhammadiyah. Akibatnya, mereka pun lebih memilih bergerak di jalur kultural. Maka, menarik dicermati bagaimana ideologi keagamaan JIMM dan latar belakang kemunculannya. Berkisar pada persoalan inilah tulisan ini mencoba memberikan tafsir sosial terhadap fenomena kehadiran JIMM.

http://ejournal.umm.ac.id/index.php/salam/article/view/442

Tuesday, April 30, 2013

The Missing Link: Explaining the Political Mobilisation of Islam in Indonesia

Journal of Contemporary Asia

DOI:10.1080/00472336.2012.634640
Jacqueline Hicksa*
pages 39-66

Abstract

Why has an increase in personal piety among Indonesia's Muslims not translated into electoral gains for Islamic political parties? To help explain this conundrum, this article focuses on the role of Indonesia's mass Islamic social organisations, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah. Using a political economy lens, it argues that control over state resources and the provision of social welfare facilities have helped political parties maintain power over the years and that NU and Muhammadiyah have at times played important mediating roles in this process. Extending this analysis into Indonesia's contemporary politics, it then proposes that since 2004 in particular, the health and education facilities provided by NU and Muhammadiyah are becoming less important to ordinary people in relation to the services provided by the state. It concludes that this trend has weakened the ability of these organisations to channel public support to political parties/candidates and is one reason why Islamic parties have not been able to capitalise on increased religiosity in the social sphere.

Key Words


Tuesday, February 19, 2013

Transmission of Islamic Reform from the United States to Indonesia: Studying Fazlur Rahman’s legacy through the works of Ahmad Syafii Maarif

Burhani, Ahmad Najib. 2013. "Transmission of Islamic Reform from the United States to Indonesia: Studying Fazlur Rahman’s legacy through the works of Ahmad Syafii Maarif". Indonesia and the Malay World, Vol. 41, No. 119: 29-47. 

Abstract
The role of American Muslim scholars, particularly Fazlur Rahman, in Islamic reformism in Indonesia in the latter part of the 20th century though significant was often neglected by scholars. This article intends to study the process of transmission and the implementation of Rahman's Islamic reformism by Ahmad Syafii Maarif. It attempts to answer the following questions: How did Maarif contextualise Islamic reform introduced by Rahman in the socio-cultural context of Indonesia? How did he implement Rahman's ideas and his overriding concern for the ethics of the Qur'an for the solving social problems of Indonesia? Rahman also engaged at discursive and academic levels, while Maarif, when talking about the Qur'an, is more an activist than a scholar. How then does Maarif bridge the difference between hermeneutical theories of the ethics of the Qur'an and social realities? This article analyses the activities and the works of Maarif in three different areas: national and state issues, interfaith relations, and intra-religious relations. The emphasis here is on how Maarif, inspired by Rahman's methodology and perspective, reveals the meaning and significance of the ethics of the Qur'an in dealing with injustice, corruption and exploitation, religious discrimination, and religious radicalism in Indonesia.

Author biographies
Ahmad Najib Burhani is a PhD candidate in Religious Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara. His academic interests include Islamic movements in Southeast Asia and religious minorities with Islamic origin such as Ahmadiyya, Ismàili, Baha'i Faith, Yazidi, and Druze. Email: najib27@yahoo.com

Available from: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.108/13639811.2012.750097?journalCode=cimw20

Sunday, February 3, 2013

Discourse on the search for a renewed identity of Muhammadiyah for its post-centennial era

Anthropology Today, Vol. 29 No 1, February  2013: 27-28.
 
Claire-Marie Hefner
Emory University,
comchefner@emory.edu

International Research Conference on Muhammadiyah (IRCM)
Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang
29 November - 2 December 2012


In an era when ethno-religious violence and terrorism have captured the headlines with regard to Islam in Indonesia, it is useful to remember that this Southeast Asian country is home to the largest Muslim social welfare and educational organization in the world. Founded in 1912 by Kyai Hajji Ahmad Dahlan, the modernist-reformist Muhammadiyah celebrated its 100-year anniversary this November. In conjunction with various centennial celebrations across the archipelago, the organization sponsored the first IRCM (International Research Conference on Muhammadiyah) entitled ‘Discourse on the search for a renewed identity of Muhammadiyah for its post-centennial era’. The conference was held at the vast Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang campus in East Java from 29 November - 2 December 2012. The event was designed as a forum for reflecting on the historical, social, cultural, and political contributions of this influential organization and for considering both the future challenges the Muhammadiyah faces and directions it might take. The overarching question of how the Muhammadiyah will formulate its ‘renewed identity’ was addressed through discussions in eight themed panels: Muhammadiyah’s history, philanthropy, education, politics, reform, gender, youth and radicalism, and finally, Muhammadiyah studies.

Retrieved from: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1467-8322.12008/pdf

Friday, February 10, 2012

Muhammadiyah and the Origins of Intolerance in Indonesian Islam

Missionaries, Modernists and the Origins of Intolerance in Islamic Institutions




Jeremy M. Menchik


Stanford University; University of Wisconsin-Madison

2011

APSA 2011 Annual Meeting Paper

Abstract:     
Why are some Islamic institutions more tolerant than others? This basic question has far-reaching implications. Islamic movements have considerable sway in the policies of newly democratic Egypt, Tunisia and most other Muslim-majority states. Islamic movements are likewise important for the formation of social trust; recent scholarship suggests that democratization in Muslim counties is more likely to occur when Islamic institutions are able to build networks of cooperation across religious differences, while scapegoating and sectarian polemics between religious groups increases the likelihood of violence. I answer this basic question by focusing on Islamic institutions in Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim-majority country and one of the most diverse. Using archival material and newly collected survey data, I argue against the notion that theology or ideology shape interethnic relations and show that local politics during the late colonial period explains the policies of contemporary Islamic institutions.

Before the national awakening period (pergerakan, 1880-1930), Javanese society was religiously homogenous with overlapping social identities and indistinct boundaries between them. Yet by 1930, there were deep social cleavages between groups. Archival material suggests that locally specific conditions in West, Central and East Java polarized society differently in each region: in West Java the primary divisions were between Christian/Muslim and Modernist/Traditionalist, in Central Java the divisions were similar but shallow and emerged late in the period, and in East Java only the Modernist/Traditionalist divide was salient. These different modes of polarization were then reflected in the policies of the emergent Islamic institutions Muhammadiyah, Nahdlatul Ulama and Persatuan Islam. Contemporary survey data demonstrates that regional differences endure in the attitudes of elites. These findings suggests that rather than using ideological or theological explanations for patterns of tolerance and intolerance, scholars examine the lived experiences of Islamic leaders within their local and historically rooted contexts. 



Menchik, Jeremy M. 2011. "Missionaries, Modernists and the Origins of Intolerance in Islamic Institutions." APSA 2011 Annual Meeting Paper. Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1902088

Tuesday, November 8, 2011

Modernization and Religious Purification: Islam in Indonesia

Tamney, Joseph. 1980. "Modernization and Religious Purification: Islam in Indonesia". Review of Religious Research. 22 (2): 207-218.

Abstract
Modernization, or, more specifically, education and urbanization, has been associated with secularization. Some writers, however, suggest that modern people are not so much secular but religiously different. In this paper I test the idea that modernization is associated with the purification of religious lifestyles. Data come from a stratified random sample of Javanese (N=1667). The main findings are that education and community size are related to the decline of folk religion and to a net increase in the proportion of Muslims who are active religious purists. It is suggested that modernization favors purification, not so much because modern people reject syncretism, as because they abandon magical practices.

Conclusion
In this paper it was suggested that a consequence of modernization is religious purification. Education and, to some extent, urbanization are associated with the decline of folk practices. Moreover, Santri religiosity is more frequent among the most modern compared to the least modern. But the frequency of pure folk religion declines --in fact, disappears-- with modernization. Thus, our results suggest that purification results from the destruction of folk religion as a differentiated religious tradition, not from a deliberate attempt to purge one's religion of elements from other religious traditions.

The evidence does not suggest that modernization favors making one's religious life-style consistent; however, being modern does seem associated with the rejection of magical practices. But it should not be assumed that the decline of a folk religion is due only to the impact of science on magic. Since modern people may be aware of international cultural diversity and that religions tend to become culture bound, they might reject folk elements because these practices undermine the universalistic claims of modern religions. The value of this explanation is that it accounts for attempts to eliminate folk religions in all parts of the world, no matter how developed.

Monday, November 7, 2011

Muhammadiyah: A preliminary study

Azra, Azyumardi. 1994. "Muhammadiyah: A preliminary study." Studia Islamika, 1 (2): 187-200.

This is a bibliographic survey of important books on Muhammadiyah. The list of the books are the following:
  1. A.R. Sukrianta & Abdul Munir Mulkhan, Perkembangan pemikiran Muhammadiyah dari masa ke masa: Menyambut Muktamar ke-41. Yogyakarta: Dua Dimensi, 1985.
  2. A.R. Sukriyanto & Abdul Munir Mulkhan (eds.), Pergumulan pemikiran dalam Muhammadiyah. Yogyakarta: Sipress, 1990.
  3. Abdulgani, Ruslan. et al. Cita dan citra Muhammadiyah. Jakarta: Pustaka Panjimas, 1985.
  4. Arifin, M.T., Gagasan pembaharuan Muhammadiyah. Jakarta: Pustaka Jaya, 1987.
  5. Arifin, M.T., Muhammadiyah: Potret yang berubah. Surakarta: Institut Gelanggang Pemikiran Filsafat Sosila Budaya dan Kependidikan, 1990.
  6. Asrofie, M. Yusron, Kiyai Haji Ahmad Dahlan, Pemikiran dan kepemimpinannya. Yogyakarta: Yogyakarta Offset, 1983.
  7. Djamil, Fathurrahman. "Ijtihad Muhammadiyah dalam masalah-masalah fiqh kontemporer. Jakarta: doctoral dissertation, IAIN, 1994.
  8. I.N. Soebagijo. K.H. Mas Mansur, Pembaharu Islam di Indonesia. Jakarta: Gunung Agung, 1982.
  9. Ilyas, Yunahar, et al. (eds.). Muhammadiyah dan NU: Reorientasi wawasan keislaman. Yogyakarta LPPI UMY, LKPSM NU & PP Al-Muhsin, 1993.
  10. Kamal, Musthafa, Chusnan Yusuf and Rosyad Sholeh. Muhammadiyah sebagai gerakan Islam. Yogyakarta: Penerbit Persatuan, 1976.
  11. Karim, M. Rusli (ed.). Muhammadiyah dalam kritik dan komentar. Jakarta: Rajawali, 1986.
  12. Lubis, Arbiyah. Pemikiran Muhammadiyah dan Muhammad Abduh (Suatu studi perbandingan. Jakarta: doctoral dissertation, IAIN, 1989.
  13. Mulkhan, Abdul Munir. K.H. Ahmad Dahlan dan Muhammadiyah dalam perspektif perubahan sosial. Jakarta: Bumi Aksara, 1990.
  14. Mulkhan, Abdul Munir (compiler). Pak AR menjawab 245 permasalahan dalam Islam. Yogyakarta: Sipress, 1990.
  15. Syamsuddin, M. Din (ed.). Muhammadiyah kini dan esok. Jakarta: Pustaka Panjimas, 1990.
  16. Prodjokusumo, H.S. Melestarikan Muhammadiyah. Jakarta: Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, 1985.
  17. Puar, Yusuf Abdullah. Perjuangan dan pengabdian Muhammadiyah. Jakarta: Pustaka Antara, 1989.
  18. Rosidi, Sahlan. Kemuhammadiyahan untuk Perguruan Tinggi Muhammadiyah. Solo: Penerbit Mutiara, 1982.
  19. Yatim, Usman & Almisar Hamid (eds.). Muhammadiyah dalam sorotan. Jakarta: Bina Rena Pariwara, 1993.
  20. The Central Committee of Muhammadiyah. Mengkaji Muhammadiyah. Jakarta: n.d. [1983?].
  21. The Central Committee of Muhammadiyah. Menuju Muhammadiyah. Yogyakarta, 1984.
  22. The Central Committee of Muhammadiyah. Himpunan Putusan Tarjih. Yogyakarta [?]: n.d. [after 1974].
  23. The Tarjih Board of the Central Committee of Muhammadiyah. Tanya jawab agama. Yogyakarta: Yayasan Penerbit Pers Suara Muhammadiyah, 1990.
  24. The Tarjih Board of the Central Committee of Muhammadiyah. Amwal fi al Islam: Fungsi harta menurut ajaran Islam. Yogyakarta: Penerbit Persatuan, n.d.
  25. The Tarjih Board of the Central Committee of Muhammadiyah. adab al-Mar'ah fi al-Islam. Yogyakarta: 1982.
  26. The Central Committee of Muhammadiyah Youth. Buku pegangan bagi instruktur kaderisasi Pemuda Muhammadiyah. Jakarta: 1982.
  27. The Center of Documentation and Publication, Malang Muhammadiyah University. Muhammadiyah: Sejarah, Pemikiran dan Amal Usaha. Malang: 1990.

Saturday, November 5, 2011

Etos kerja dan perilaku ekonomi di kalangan NU dan Muhammadiyah

Mintarti. 2001. "Etos kerja dan perilaku ekonomi di kalangan NU dan Muhammadiyah."Sosiohumanika, 14 (3): 537-547.

Abstract
This writing elaborates on finance institution (LKM) that has Muhammadiyah background which was founded with the aims to empower the economic condition of lower layer society. The open system of its membership opens the possibility that this institution recruites its members not only from the Muhammadiyah community, but from the NU as well. This system, although brings a positive result, also can cause several problems, especially in the organization. This is because the membership of this institution comprises of two different group of communities (Muhammadiyah and NU), receiving different version of Koran interpretation and indoctrination about the religious text of their parent organization. This fact causes the emergence of differences in the thinking pattern, the way of understanding problems, even the behavior among them. Based on those facts, the question emerges, that is, around their working ethos and economic behavior of the members of the LKM who have different organization background. This study basically is a qualitative research using a case study as its approach. The collected data analyzed using a descriptive interpretive qualitative method.

The result of this study showed that the members of LKM, both from Muhammadiyah and NU did not show significant difference in the case of their working ethos, economic behavior and participation in the institution activities. However, there were little "here and there' in differences between the two groups. The similarity was, for example, they believed working as a form of worship and as the command of God that should be conducted. The differences were, for example, the Muhammadiyah group gave the meaning to working in the way that showed an "activism" (religion is a social-praxis), meanwhile for the NU group, working was understood as a form of worship that should be conducted relently (men are merely doing it). This finding meant that the values brought about by Muhammadiyah and NU were merely one of factors that influenced the working ethos and economic behavior. Many more factors could influence those behaviors. That is why other studies on the similar topics are still required.

Keywords: working ethos, economic behavior.

Downloadable at : http://i-lib.ugm.ac.id/jurnal/download.php?dataId=4359.