Thursday, June 30, 2011

Muhammadiyah Scholars and Democratic Transition

Basya, M. Hilaly. 2011. Muhammadiyah Scholars and Democratic Transition. VDM Verlag Dr. Müller

From MA Thesis of M. Hilaly Basya. 2010. Religious leaders and democratic transition in post-New Order Indonesia: a study on the role of Muhammadiyah scholars in reducing radical Islamic movements. MA Thesis-- Leiden University.

Product Description

The fall of the New Order regime brought Indonesia to democratic transition. the transition is understood as a phase in which democratization is being established. This period saw attempts to change the authoritarian system into a democratic one. Many political scientists see democratic transition as a crucial phase. In this phase, people are euphoric with the freedom granted by democratic government. They are learning how to live in a democracy. That is why the transitional period is also marked by extremities. The emergence of radical Islamic movements is one of the phenomena coloring this period in Indonesia. The rapid growth of radical Islamic movements in democratic transition of post-New Order Indonesia threatened the future of democracy. They attempted to apply shari'a in the state. Even one of these organizations clearly declared that they want to establish Islamic state. Some of Muhammadiyah scholars played important role in countering these radical Islam agendas. These scholars criticized the idea of formalization of shari'a. They negotiated salafism with democratic concepts.

About the Author

Holder of MA in Islamic Studies from the University of Leiden, the Netherlands. He is a lecturer in magister program of Islamic Studies at the University of Muhammadiyah Jakarta. Now he is pursuing doctoral degree (Ph.D) in Religious Studies at the University of Leeds, the United Kingdom (UK).

Product Details

Paperback: 76 pages
Publisher: VDM Verlag Dr. Müller (June 10, 2011)
Language: English
ISBN-10: 3639363248
ISBN-13: 978-3639363241
Product Dimensions: 8.8 x 6 x 0.3 inches

Retrieved from Amazon:

Monday, June 27, 2011

Ahmad Syafi'i Ma'arif: Muhammadiyah is like a big tent

AsiaViews, Edition: 28/II/July/2005
Category: Interview
UNDER the leadership of Ahmad Syafi?i Ma?arif, Muhammadiyah?s image as a puritanical and inflexible Islamic movement slowly began to erode. This Islamic organization, which claims to have 30 million followers, is now actively fighting ?social and moral decadence,? together with the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the organization of ulama (religious leaders) which it is often at odds with over the issue of prayers. The Syafi?i Ma?arif and Hasyim Muzadi team appears to be united in carrying out the national anti-corruption campaign. He is equally hard on cleaning up the organization he leads. The Muhammadiyah leadership, he says, must have a strong character, one that would not be easily influenced by economic and political temptations.

There have been more of these ?economic temptations? since Muhammadiyah?s success in setting up thousands of schools, from the kindergarten level up to high school, hundreds of universities, hospitals, orphanages and places of worship around the country. This is the organization led by KH Ahmad Dahlan and currently led Ahmad Syafi?i Ma?arif.

Perhaps, engrossed in all of these varied operations, Muhammadiyah has been criticized for not spending enough time on developing Islamic spiritual discourse. Furthermore, in this age of reform, when the tendency is to side with a particular political party, Muhammadiyah has been accused of changing its scope to practical politics.

Those accusations have been refuted by Syafi?i? Ma?arif. He points to the fact that the 25-year-old organization never lacks for controversial ideas, particularly among its activists, like the Muhammadiyah Student Association, the Muhammadiyah Youth Group and the Muhammadiyah Youth, which is being accused of compromising on the liberal Islam issue, in opposition to Tabligh Council and the Muhammadiyah Special Council, well-known for their preference towards fundamentalist Islam. The debate between liberal Islamic groups and JIMM (Muhammadiyah Intellectual Youth Network) and PSAP (Center for Religious and Civilization Studies), which often meets on the third floor of Muhammadiyah headquarters, has been quite heated.

Will this conflict of ideas continue after Ahmad Syafi?i Ma?arif handed over the leadership to Din Syamsuddin during the 45th congress in Malang, East Java, last week? Muslim intellectuals who were invited to dialog with President George Bush hope this will be the case. At least, that is the impression that emerged from Ma?arif?s interview with Tempo reporters Syaiful Amin and Heru C. Nugroho, which took place in his home in Yogyakarta, before he attended the Muhammadiyah Congress two weeks ago. The discussion with Ma?arif was resumed by Bibin Bintariadi, Tempo reporter in Malang, who spoke with him in the midst of the congress. Excerpts:

What is different about this 45th congress compared to the previous ones?

Previous congresses didn?t amend the organization?s constitution. This one did. We needed to have it changed to go with the times. Basically, Muhammadiyah wants to revitalize all its sectors, including where discourse and thinking are concerned. This will not be easy. All this time, Muhammadiyah has been rather inward looking. So, we didn?t look outwards too much. Since the time Amien Rais led Muhammadiyah, this organization begun entering into the mainstream. That was Amien?s achievement, which I continued. Amien went into politics while I tried more to go into the cultural aspects, but also into the mainstream.

During the previous congress, we also responded to criticisms that Muhammadiyah withdrew intellectually by accommodating the Tarjih Council. The Council went on to be renamed the Tarjih Council and Islamic Discourse.

Lately, Muhammadiyah does not seem to attract followers, even though it is known as a reformist organization. Why is that?

Yes, perhaps it?s not selling as well as when it first emerged on the scene. This is probably because there are many people imitating Muhammadiyah.

Is it because of the progressive Islamic group which is advocating change?

That is relative. What is the parameter for progressiveness? Muhammadiyah has its Intellectual Youth Network (JIMM), and the activities of the youth are exceptional, even if they meet with opposition from within. Indeed, Muhammadiyah university students have been ineffective for the past 20 years. In fact, at one point, there were two persons heading the Muhammadiyah Student Association (IMM). That problem has now been overcome.

What about accusations that Islamic discourse in Muhammadiyah is not being developed?

I absolutely deny that. Islamic discourse has been developed by our creative young people. Every week their name appears in the media. From the point of view of discourse, there is great potential for the future. Although some people may say we have gone too far, too liberal, in my view, let them think that way. We can always ask them to sit down with us and talk it over. If necessary, let?s exchange literature and reading material, so we don?t remain narrow-minded.

What is the Muhammadiyah leaders? view about such discourse?

Well, it?s to protect everyone. The Muhammadiyah leadership is like a big tent. So, as long as they still believe in God, in religion and the Prophet Mohammad, and they still pray and fast, we will protect them. The parameters are very simple. I see no problem in that. From that point of view, Muhammadiyah is very liberal. It is not quick to judge and punish, even though we do have some members who like to punish (laughing).

Let them grow. They just need to know how to manage change, to sit together and discuss issues. If necessary, they must exchange reading material so they feel comfortable with each other. I think that?s something we haven?t done much of.

Wouldn?t such opposition become a threat to Muhammadiyah?

We have a holy book. As long as that holy book is not violated, not rejected, there should be no problem. In fact, that would just add to our dynamics.

There is an impression that Muhammadiyah is only active in the education and health sectors lately.

It may look that way on the surface, but it?s more than that. I?ve already made my statement about the issue of Islamic discourse. The emergence of our active young members is evidence of that. It is true that education, health and social welfare has become our trademark. That goes with economic issues, even though we have not quite succeeded yet.

Do you have any corrections to be made towards Muhammadiyah?

Muhammadiyah moves slowly. That?s because we have quite a burden to carry. We have 14,000 schools, excluding higher learning institutions and hospitals. That usually comes with problems. From the human resources point of view, there has been an upgrade in quality. The problem is, when Muhammadiyah people enter politics, they become confused and feel this is not their world. This is a shortcoming among Muhammadiyah members, yet also a strength.

In politics, Muhammadiyah is seen to be functioning under the National Awakening Party (PAN). Is this true?

Muhammadiyah cannot function under PAN. That is only a public perception. One reference is the 1971 congress in Ujung Pandang, which declared that Muhammadiyah would keep its distance from all political parties. In the past it was a special member of Masyumi.

The case of PAN is special because it was established in Semarang and its figure then was Amien Rais, the former Muhammadiyah chairman. But Muhammadiyah and the decision making process within, still maintained its distance from all political forces. We were quite liberal with political aspirations, so long as members did not create chaos or bring the mission of Muhammadiyah. They still need to carry the moral mission. That is our main request, even though many violate this anyway.

Even though in practice, many Muhammadiyah members become PAN cadres?

That is because of Amien Rais. In Muhammadiyah, Amien Rais has deep roots. Indeed, the two cannot be separated. But in terms of formal structure, the two must be clearly separated.

In the last presidential election, Muhammadiyah officially backed Amien...

That was a special case, and it was done by consensus at a meeting of executives which was extended to local area heads of Muhammadiyah. There has been a lot of criticism about Muhammadiyah being involved in practical politics. There is some truth in that. But that was a special case and must be seen in that light because the figure in question is Amien Rais, and the decision was made by consensus in Denpasar. This has been a bitter but valuable experience for us.

What do you mean by bitter?

It is bitter because Amien lost.

But this can be atoned in 2009?

We will see later. We cannot say much about such things right now. Politics change all the time.

There is internal pressure for Muhammadiyah to become a political party. What do you think?

Ah, that is insignificant pressure. We already made our views known in Bali, some time ago. If it becomes a party, for sure Muhammadiyah will have no new followers.

Do you feel you succeeded as leader of Muhammadiyah?

Let other people judge me. But I feel that on issues of religion, ethnicity, there has been a lot progress. It?s that way too as far as relations with the outside world initiated by Amien Rais are concerned.

What remains a problem under your leadership of Muhammadiyah?

The anti-corruption movement we initiated only managed to push officials into action. We haven?t been able to do more, except to build command posts in the provinces and report cases to officials. But if they do nothing, we can?t do anything but shout. So far, it has only been small cases of corruption, the BLBI scandal involving trillions of rupiah has not been touched at all. Officials are not serious enough.

Chasing after the corruptors must be continued. The problem is that the pursuers and the pursued seem to be colluding. It?s a mental problem. Like corruption inside the Religious Affairs Department, for instance, I have long been screaming for some action. This is problematic because the department is seen as the guardian of people?s morals. It should have set a good example and not be part of this nation?s destruction. So, let them take action against those officials. I think Religious Affairs Minister Basyuni has been courageous in allowing the investigation to continue. I salute him.

What about the problem of Bank Persyarikatan?

It is now in the process of being settled. Vice President Jusuf Kalla has really been a help in the matter of Bank Persyarikatan. I don?t know the latest development, but two weeks ago, we had another meeting, in which the investors? commitment was further clarified. Hopefully, the problem will soon be settled.

This was a mistake. I know nothing about banks, so I put my faith in a person who knows about banking. That was my shortcoming, to have placed my faith just like that. That was our stupidity, because as their commander, I was stupid.

About Bank Persyarikatan, how will you present your accountability at the congress?

We will give them all the facts.

How do you see the NU-Muhammadiyah relationship today?

It is still going sweetly, even though during the last general elections, when Hasyim Muzadi was running for vice president, our relations soured a bit, in particular where religion was concerned, because Hasyim Muzadi, came after all, from the NU. But on a personal level, relations are good, and overall, the two organizations are becoming closer. I hope that the new Muhammadiyah leadership can continue with this.

How, in your opinion, should an ideal Muhammadiyah leader be?

Clearly, he should be able to carry the Muhammadiyah mission to embrace the people. In other words, one enemy is one too many, and a thousand friends is too little. As for followers, there must be more friends and the approach to gaining more friends is to embrace and unite people, not split them. That is why the national vision must be strong, aside from establishing good relations widely with all groups. One should not worry too much regarding intellectualism and religious issues, because the leadership in Muhammadiyah is collective. Ideally, Muhammadiyah should be led by an intellectual kiai (spiritual leader).

Who can fill such criteria?

We can search for one. But since I still hold that position, I cannot mention his name (the interview was done before the election of the new Muhammadiyah Chairman?Ed.). It?s not ethical. I might be accused of favoring him.

Some groups still want you to lead. Why are you rejecting this?

As one who criticized Pak Harto for ruling the country too long, I must be consistent. I have been in the Muhammadiyah leadership for too long, 15 years. Besides, my age is 70 years and 28 days. So, it?s best that this chance be given to someone else.

Many hope that Muhammadiyah will be led by a moderate and independent figure like you. If you refuse this job, who would be the most appropriate?

Don?t be pessimistic. The congress will not be selecting one person, but 13 people. Even if among the 13 nominees one will get more votes than the others, he may not necessarily end up as chairman. The determining factor will be those 13 people. If there are problems, perhaps a vote will be taken. And that is valid in Muhammadiyah. Even the venue of the congress was determined by voting. Democracy in Muhammadiyah is alive and well.

Even after he has not been Chairman of Muhammadiyah?

That will depend on the decision of the congress. There is now a council of advisors. If the 13 people selected appoint me as an advisor, perhaps yes. For sure, I will not apply for the job. But if I am asked, and I am needed, perhaps I will consider it. (Newly elected Muhammadiyah Chairman Din Syamsuddin has already asked Syafi?i Ma?arif to sit in the Muhammadiyah council of advisors?Ed.)

Since when has there been a council of advisors?

It was decided with the amendments to the organization?s constitution. Hopefully, it will be accepted by all. Before, during the period before A.R. Fakhruddin, there was one case. But it died. Let?s see what happens later. When the new leaders are elected, and they can accept advice, perhaps I will join in. But if the new leader cannot accept advice, why should I join?

As an Islamic figure, you are often approached by the Americans. How does the West see Islam in relation to terrorism?

They only see a small group of radicals, and not the majority. The radicals, in my view, are a group of people who are incapable of dealing with reality. They are people who lost faith because they can?t deal with reality. This modernity, full of secularism and atheism, to them has become a big threat. They cannot face this predicament except by those methods [by terrorism]. So, they usurp the word of God for their own interests. This is very political. And that is never effective, in fact, suicidal. Can they really think they can beat the United States, even though this country is arrogant? A bazooka-carrying enemy is opposed with water pistols, how can they win? That is why Muslims must be smart. So the education factor is very decisive in the future of the Islamic community.

What should be done against this group?

Just have a dialog with them, even though this may be difficult, because they have their parameters. But it must still be attempted and the dialog must be carried out regularly. Those who are proven to have committed acts of violence must face the legal consequences.

What should Muhammadiyah do for the future?

To improve the morals of this nation, comprehensive improvement on all dimensions of people?s lives. At times, we are forced to choose, but officially, we must be above all groups.

Tempo No.45/V/July 12-18, 2005 (Accessed 6/27/2011)

Sunday, June 26, 2011

Muhammadiyah Student Organization and Democratic Development in Indonesia

Johnson, Troy A. 2006. Islamic Student Organizations and Democratic Development in Indonesia: Three Case Studies. Thesis (M.A.) -- The Center of International Studies, Ohio University.

This thesis describes how and to what extent three Islamic student organizations --Muhammadiyah youth groups, Kesatuan Aksi Mahasiswa Muslim Indonesia (KAMMI), and remaja masjid-- are developing habits of democracy amongst Indonesia's Muslim youth. It traces Indonesia's history of student activism and the democratic movement of 1998 against the background of youth violence and Islamic radicalism. The paper describes how these organizations have developed democratic habits and values in Muslim youth and the programs that they carry out towards democratic socialization in a nation that still has little understanding of how democratic government works. The thesis uses a theoretical framework for evaluating democratic education developed by Freireian scholar Ira Shor. Finally, it argues that Islamic student organizations are making strides in their efforts to promote inclusive habits of democracy amongst Indonesia's youth.

Wednesday, June 22, 2011

Abandoning the 'Garden of Magic': Islamic modernism and contested spirit assertions in Bima

Prager M. 2010. "Abandoning the 'Garden of Magic': Islamic modernism and contested spirit assertions in Bima". Indonesia and the Malay World. 38 (110): 9-25.

Until the mid 20th century, the religious landscape of the village areas in Bima - the easternmost regency on the island of Sumbawa - was an amalgam of Islamic and pre-Islamic beliefs and ritual practices that anthropologists usually subsume under the notion of syncretism. From the 1960s onwards such ideas including the belief in the existence of spiritual beings to whom humans were tied through ritual exchange, and in the presence of a spiritual essence that was considered to animate various types of 'living' entities including people, cultivated plants and several categories of material objects were increasingly antagonised by Islamic reformers who up to the present are trying to eradicate all local beliefs and ritual performances considered inconsistent with the 'purity' of scripturalist Islam. This article gives a brief historical outline of the Islamisation of Bima, identifies the factors contributing to the local upsurge of reformist Islam embodied by the local Mecca pilgrims and discusses the fundamental religious changes brought about by Muhammadiyah- sponsored Islamic boarding schools.
Authors: Prager, Michael1
Author Affiliations: Lecturer in Anthropology, University of Leipzig.
Source: Indonesia & the Malay World; Mar2010, Vol. 38 Issue 110, p9-25, 17p

Monday, June 13, 2011

The rupture between the Muhammadiyah and the Ahmadiyya

Herman L. Beck

Beck, Herman L. 2005. "The rupture between the Muhammadiyah and the Ahmadiyya". Bijdragen Tot De Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde. 161 (2): 210.


Muhammadiyah is often mistakenly associated by outsiders with the Ahmadiyya1 according to the writers of the Muhammadiyah sebagai gerakan Islam (Kamal, Yusuf and Sholeh 1994:130-1). In this book, they want to explain to students attending the upper secondary schools of the Muhammadiyah, and also to ordinary members of the organization, what kind of organization the Muhammadiyah is and what it stands for. To define the character of the Muhammadiyah, they deal with, for example, the position of the organization in relation to other Islamic religious groups (Ar.: firqa) and the Islamic law schools (Ar.: madhhab) (Kamal, Yusuf and Sholeh 1994:126-36). The authors regard the differences between the Islamic religious groups as resulting from differences of opinion regarding essential elements of the Islamic creed (Ar.: ‘aqîda). However, in their view, the differences between the various Islamic law schools are connected with divergences of opinion not affecting the basic tenets of Islamic doctrine (Ar.: khilâfiyya). The the authors of Muhammadiyah sebagai gerakan Islam mention the Ahmadiyya
while discussing some other Islamic religious groups.

Tuesday, June 7, 2011

Revitalisasi Ideologi Muhammadiyah

Jawa Pos, Rabu, 25 Nopember 2009

Oleh: Biyanto

HARI ini, 8 Dzulhijjah 1430 Hijriah Muhammadiyah genap berusia satu abad. Perhitungan ini tentu didasarkan pada kalender qamariah. Berbagai acara telah dilangsungkan di seluruh penjuru tanah air untuk menyambut tahun kelahiran (milad) Muhammadiyah. Apalagi, pada perayaan milad kali ini Muhammadiyah berusia satu abad. Itu berarti pada tahun mendatang Muhammadiyah akan memasuki abad baru yang penuh dengan tantangan.

Sebagai gerakan sosial keagamaan, menurut (alm) Nurcholish Madjid Muhammadiyah merupakan organisasi Islam modern tebesar di dunia. Dilihat dari segi kelembagaannya, Muhammadiyah juga dikatakan sangat mengesankan. Karena itu, menurut Cak Nur, Muhammadiyah merupakan salah satu cerita sukses di kalangan Islam, tidak saja secara nasional, tapi juga internasional. Pernyataan Cak Nur ini merupakan sebagian dari pandangan yang bernada memuji dan optmistis terhadap kiprah Muhammadiyah.

Selain menerima pujian dan menjadi harapan, Muhammadiyah juga banyak dikritik. Misalnya, berkaitan dengan keabsahan label Muhammadiyah sebagai gerakan pembaru (tajdid). Masyarakat pada umumnya menerima begitu saja (taken for granted) labelisasi Muhammadiyah sebagai gerakan tajdid.

Hampir tidak ada yang mempersoalkan label tajdid yang melekat dalam diri Muhammadiyah. Hal ini disebabkan Muhammadiyah senantiasa mengaitkan gerakan dan pemikirannya pada para pembaru muslim seperti Jamaluddin al-Afghani, Muhammad Abduh, dan Rasyid Ridha. Padahal, menurut Azyumardi Azra dan Djohan Efendi, Muhammadiyah dalam bidang pemikiran keagamaan lebih tepat disebut gerakan salafiyah, neo-salafiyah, dan bahkan ortodoks.

Hal ini disebabkan tekanan ideologi gerakan Muhammadiyah adalah menghendaki pemurnian (purifikasi) di bidang akidah dan ibadah. Cermin usaha purifikasi Muhammadiyah tampak sangat menonjol dalam kegiatan dakwah untuk memberantas takhayul, bid'ah, dan khurafat. Di kalangan warga Muhammadiyah, model dakwah ini dikenal dengan dakwah terhadap TBC.

Pada level praksis Muhammadiyah sesungguhnya layak disebut gerakan pembaru. Melalui teologi al-Ma'un (al-Ma'unisme) Muhammadiyah telah membuktikan diri sebagai gerakan yang sangat menekankan pentingnya amal saleh. Dengan menekuni wilayah praksis sosial keagamaan berarti Muhammadiyah telah melaksanakan prinsip a faith with action. Dalam bahasa warga Muhammadiyah prinsip ini dikenal dengan dakwah bil hal (mengajak dengan amalan dan tindakan konkret). Muhammadiyah juga mempraktikkan ajaran sedikit berbicara banyak bekerja, berdisiplin, bekerja keras, dan tanggung jawab secara organisasi.

Berkat beberapa ajaran tersebut Muhammadiyah mendapat kepercayaan dari umat sehingga mampu melahirkan banyak amal usaha, terutama di bidang pendidikan, kesehatan, dan pelayanan sosial lain.

Namun, justru dengan amal usaha yang semakin banyak, Muhammadiyah dihadapkan pada berbagai persoalan. Misalnya, energi Muhammadiyah nyaris habis hanya untuk kegiatan rutin mengurus amal usaha.

Dengan meminjam istilah beberapa intelektual muda, Muhammadiyah seperti gajah gemuk yang semakin lamban dalam memberikan respons terhadap tantangan zaman. Akibatnya, kontribusi pemikiran Muhammadiyah di bidang sosial keagamaan terasa sangat kurang. Pada konteks inilah Muhammadiyah perlu merevitalisasi ideologi agar mampu menampilkan diri sebagai gerakan amal sekaligus gerakan ilmu. Buya Syafii Maarif merupakan salah satu tokoh yang konsisten menyuarakan agar Muhammadiyah mampu menyandingkan gerakan praksisme dan gerakan intelektualisme.

Menampilkan diri sebagai gerakan intelektual, selain gerakan praksis, akan sangat menentukan arah dan perjuangan Muhammadiyah dalam memasuki abad kedua. Intelektualisme dapat menjadi sumber energi yang luar biasa bagi Muhammadiyah, terutama dalam rangka memberikan pencerahan pada kehidupan keberagamaan di Indonesia. Sebab, diakui atau tidak, wajah Islam Indonesia akhir-akhir ini telah diwarnai persaingan yang sangat tajam antara kelompok Islam fundamentalis dan liberalis.

Kelompok Islam fundamentalis dengan dalih ingin mengembalikan amalan keagamaan sebagaimana dicontohkan generasi awal Islam telah mengalami distorsi yang luar biasa. Misalnya, simplifikasi identitas keislaman melalui simbol pakaian berjubah, memakai celak, berjenggot, dan bercelana di atas tumit. Meski beberapa identitas keislaman ini memiliki rujukan dalam ajaran Islam, menyederhanakan Islam dengan hal-hal yang bersifat kategoris seperti itu jelas melenceng dari substansi ajaran Islam.

Sebaliknya, kelompok Islam liberal yang mengusung tema reaktualisasi ajaran juga menimbulkan banyak kontroversi. Misalnya, kelompok Islam liberal dikatakan telah mengotak-atik ajaran yang dianggap mapan oleh umat Islam. Penerjemahan kalimat thayyibah; la ilaha illallah dengan tiada Tuhan selain Tuhan, merupakan salah satu contoh kreasi para pembaru muslim yang menimbulkan kontroversi berkepanjangan.

Menghadapi perdebatan dan persaingan dua mazhab pemikiran Islam yang senantiasa memutlakkan kebenaran kelompoknya, Muhammadiyah sesungguhnya dapat menampilkan diri sebagai mediator. Dalam hal ini Muhammadiyah dapat menjalankan fungsi management of ideas di antara berbagai mazhab pemikiran.

Yang perlu dilakukan Muhammadiyah pada berbagai mazhab pemikiran (school of thought) adalah mengajak untuk bergerak ke posisi tengah. Ajakan ini akan efektif jika ditempuh melalui dialog yang tulus dan tidak saling mengklaim kebenaran. Jika dialog ini dilakukan secara berkelanjutan, pada saatnya kita akan menyaksikan wajah Islam Indonesia yang sangat moderat dan toleran terhadap berbagai keragaman***

*). Dr Biyanto MAg , dosen IAIN Sunan Ampel, menulis disertasi tentang kaum muda Muhammadiyah.

Wednesday, June 1, 2011

Dampak Sistemik Fatwa Haram Merokok

Surabaya Post, Sabtu, 27 Maret 2010

Oleh: Biyanto
(Dosen IAIN Sunan Ampel dan aktivis Muhammadiyah Jatim)

Majelis Tarjih dan Tajdid (MTT) Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah akan menyelenggarakan Musyawarah Nasional (Munas) ke-27 di Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang pada 1-4 April 2010. Tentu saja, acara ini akan menarik perhatian masyarakat, khususnya warga Muhammadiyah. Sebab, beberapa saat yang lalu, tepatnya pada 8 Maret 2010, MTT telah mengeluarkan fatwa hukum merokok. Dalam pandangan MTT merokok hukumnya haram karena: (a) perbuatan khaba’its [buruk], (b) menyebabkan kebinasaan dan bahkan merupakan perbuatan bunuh diri secara perlahan, (c) membahayakan diri sendiri dan orang lain, (d) mengandung zat adiktif dan unsur racun yang berbahaya, (e) perbuatan mubazir [pemborosan], dan (f) bertentangan dengan tujuan penetapan syari’ah. Meski argumentasi tersebut terbuka untuk diperdebatkan, tetapi masyarakat sesungguhnya tidak ada yang menolak jika dikatakan bahwa merokok merupakan perbuatan yang dapat merusak kesehatan. Persoalannya, cukup bijaksanakah fatwa haram merokok tersebut dikeluarkan dalam kondisi sosial, budaya, dan ekonomi masyarakat kita?

Karena merokok bagi sebagian orang sudah dianggap budaya dan bahkan kebutuhan, maka keputusan tersebut dianggap terlalu keras. Hal ini karena mayoritas umat Islam memahami hukum merokok tidak lebih dari makruh. Pandangan resmi Muhammadiyah sebelumnya juga memutuskan bahwa merokok pada dasarnya termasuk perbuatan ibahah (mubah). Karena itu, tidak mengherankan jika di kalangan warga Muhammadiyah fatwa ini disikapi dengan cara beragam. Sebagian memahami fatwa ini sudah tepat. Argumentasi yang diajukan pun sudah melingkupi berbagai aspek, termasuk agama, medis, sosial, dan ekonomi. Sementara yang lain menganggap fatwa haram merokok terlalu berlebihan, kurang bijaksana, dan tidak berempati pada petani dan industri tembakau. Apalagi hukum haram merokok secara qath’iy tidak ditemukan dalam berbagai teks keagamaan. Keberatan terhadap fatwa ini sangat beralasan karena budaya merokok berkaitan dengan banyak sektor kehidupan seperti pertanian, perindustrian, perekonomian, dan kebijakan.

Dampak Sistemik
Jika ditelisik lebih jauh, fatwa haram merokok –meminjam istilah yang marak dalam skandal Bank Century- sesungguhnya dapat berdampak sistemik. Dampak sistemik fatwa haram merokok ini dapat diamati dari mata rantai yang panjang dan melibatkan banyak sektor yang berkaitan dengan rokok. Misalnya, petani tembakau, buruh tani yang bekerja di lahan tembakau, pelaku jual beli tembakau, karyawan pabrik rokok, pemilik pabrik rokok, pelaku jual beli rokok, dan pembuat regulasi industri rokok. Fatwa haram rokok dikatakan berdampak sistemik karena di dalam Hadits Nabi Muhammad saw ditemukan adanya larangan orang memperjualbelikan sesuatu yang diharamkan. Meskipun konteks hadits ini berkaitan dengan minuman keras (khamr) dan babi, tetapi sangat mungkin terjadi analogi hukum untuk menjelaskan kedudukan orang yang memproduksi dan memperjualbelikan rokok. Dengan logika hukum ini maka siapa pun yang berkaitan dengan industri rokok patut khawatir. Sementara para petani tembakau juga khawatir karena dapat dianggap memproduksi bahan baku rokok.

Harus diakui, bahwa fatwa MTT tentang hukum merokok memang belum menjadi keputusan resmi Muhammadiyah. Karena untuk menjadi keputusan resmi organisasi fatwa ini perlu terlebih dulu diajukan dalam Musyawarah Nasional (Munas) MTT. Jika disepakati dalam Munas, fatwa tersebut juga harus menungga untuk ditanfidz (disahkan) oleh pimpinan pusat. Setelah ditanfidz itulah fatwa tersebut baru menjadi keputusan resmi. Tegasnya, masih ada beberapa tahapan yang harus dilalui untuk menjadikan fatwa hukum merokok sebagai keputusan tetap organisasi. Ini berarti masih terbuka peluang munculnya revisi fatwa hukum merokok yang lebih arif, bijaksana, dan solutif.

Tetapi, masyarakat sudah terlanjur tahu fatwa haram merokok yang diputuskan MTT. Karena itu, terbayang pertanyaan dalam pikiran saya bagaimana jika keputusan resmi organisasi nanti memperkuat fatwa MTT? Jika ini yang terjadi maka patut dilihat efektivitas fatwa tersebut. Bukan saja, bagi masyarakat luas tetapi juga di kalangan warga Muhammadiyah. Bagi masyarakat umum, fatwa haram merokok yang dikeluarkan oleh MTT ini bukan yang pertama. Sebab, Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) juga pernah mengeluarkan fatwa serupa. Tetapi, kita dapat mengamati perbuatan merokok rasanya tetap menjadi budaya masyarakat. Ini berarti fatwa yang dikeluarkan lembaga-lembaga keagamaan seringkali kurang efektif karena tidak memiliki kekuatan hukum positif. Barangkali karena itu, beberapa pemerintah daerah telah membuat Peraturan Daerah (Perda) yang melarang perbuatan merokok di tempat umum. Sekali lagi, kita menyaksikan betapa regulasi yang dibuat pemerintah tersebut kurang bergigi.

Revitalisasi Fungsi Tembakau
Agar fatwa haram merokok tidak berdampak sistemik maka yang perlu dipikirkan adalah merevitalisasi fungsi tembakau. Cara ini menurut hemat saya lebih adil karena tidak akan mematikan rangkaian industri tembakau. Masyarakat, terutama para petani tembakau dan kalangan industri, perlu diberikan alternatif. Misalnya, dengan menyatakan bahwa tembakau bisa dimanfaatkan untuk kepentingan di luar rokok. Beberapa hasil penelitian juga menunjukkan bahwa tembakau bisa diekstrak dan direkayasa sehingga bermanfaat untuk kepentingan kesehatan. Hal ini jelas berbeda dengan pandangan umum yang senantiasa menyatakan bahwa daun tembakau tidak bermanfaat bagi kesehatan.

Penelitian Arief Budi Witarto (2003) dari Pusat Bioteknologi LIPI menunjukkan manfaat daun tembakau sebagai reaktor penghasil protein Growth Colony Stimulating Factor (GCSF), suatu hormon yang penting untuk menstimulasi produksi darah. Dikatakan juga bahwa protein GCSF bisa digunakan sebagai vaksin untuk mencegah penyakit kanker. Beberapa ilmuwan kini juga berhasil menggunakan tembakau yang telah dimodifikasi secara genetik untuk memproduksi obat penyakit diabetes. Daun tembakau pun dapat dimanfaatkan sebagai obat untuk kekebalan tubuh. Prof. Pezzotti dari Universitas Verona juga menemukan manfaat daun tembakau sebagai penghasil protein obat Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) yang menyebabkan penyakit AIDS.

Beberapa temuan tersebut jelas menjadi angin segar bagi dunia keilmuan. Sebab, tanaman tembakau dapat memperbaiki citra di mata para ahli kesehatan. Tembakau yang selama ini hanya diambil manfaatnya untuk bahan baku rokok, ternyata dapat digunakan untuk kepentingan kesehatan manusia. Rasanya, pengkajian yang mencoba untuk merekayasa manfaat tembakau perlu terus dilakukan. Pemerintah, perguruan tinggi, lembaga-lembaga penelitian, dan kalangan industri, perlu melakukan kerjasama yang sinergis untuk mengemban tugas mulia ini.

Semakin banyak temuan yang menunjukkan manfaat tembakau selain untuk rokok, maka para petani dan industri yang memanfaatkan tembakau sebagai bahan baku tidak akan gulung tikar dengan adanya fatwa haram merokok. Bahwa merokok dapat merusak kesehatan adalah pandangan yang secara common sense diakui kebenarannya oleh masyarakat. Tetapi, fatwa hukum merokok haram yang tidak diikuti dengan solusi pasti akan menimbulkan persoalan lain. Maka, dalam konteks inilah fatwa yang dikeluarkan MTT perlu mempertimbangkan banyak hal sehingga lebih berempati pada petani dan dunia industri.***