Saturday, April 2, 2011

Contesting models of Islamic governance in Malaysia and Indonesia

Stark, Jan. 2004. "Contesting models of Islamic governance in Malaysia and Indonesia". Global Change, Peace & Security. 16 (2): 115-131.

Abstract

This article suggests that there is much to be learnt from studying Islam in Malaysia and Indonesia comparatively to trace their emerging similarities. Various models of an Islamic state, be it by directly involving the shariah as the only source of reference, as it is proposed Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS), or by gradually Islamizing the society (shariah haraki), a model that has been applied with considerable success by both ABIM and the Mahathir administration and receives backing from Islamic mass organizations such as the NU and Muhammadiyah. This suggests that there is a gradual transformation of the Wahhabi-inspired dakwah-Islam of the late 1970s into new discourses of Islamic civil society undertaken by the emerging middle classes of both countries. However, Wahhabi-Islam is nevertheless still important and its impact on the future shape of political Islam in the region cannot be underestimated, especially since dakwah-organizations link up internationally and continue to be generously sponsored by Saudi Arabia.

Conclusion
It is neither the clash of Islam and ethnicity in multi-cultural Malaysia nor the 'thin veneer' of Indonesian Islam limited to the sphere of cultural anthropology that is able to explain the growing interdependence of the emerging main discourses on Islam in the region. What this article has tried to show is that these discourses center on a number of themes that are remarkably similar in Indonesia and Malaysia. One is the discussion on the various models of an Islamic state, be it by directly involving the shariah as the only source of reference, as proposed by Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS), or by gradually Islamizing the society (shariah haraki), a model that has been applied with considerable success by both ABIM and the Mahathir administration, and also receives increasing backing from Islamic mass organizations such as the NU and Muhammadiyah. The ideological proximity between former ABIM president Anwar Ibrahim and Amien Rais of the Muhammadiyah over this issue has signaled the gradual transformation of the Wahhabi-inspired dakwah-Islam of the late 1970s into new discourses of Islamic civil society undertaken by the emerging middle classes of both countries.
Wahhabi-Islam is nevertheless still gaining ground in both countries, its impact on the future shape of political Islam in the region cannot be underestimated, especially since dakwah-organizations link up internationally and continue to be generously sponsored by Saudi Arabia: as such, groups fostering Islamic welfare and missionary work have played an increasingly political role in the propagation of fundamentalist Islam, such as the Malaysia Perkim, which considerably changed its orientation during recent years.
The emerging radicalism at the fringes of Southeast Asian societies is also a phenomenon that countries all over the region are facing, being partly motivated by the inabilities of central governments to offer conclusive models of economic development and political participation. On the other hand, Southeast Asia is increasingly drawn into the conflicts arising from globalized economies, political and strategic interests and the networks of Islamic militancy over the last decade. Looking at Southeast Asian political Islam from a more regional perspective might thus become even more necessary in the near future.

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