Muhammadiyah/NU & Kearifan Lokal: Peluang dan Tantangan Dakwah di Era Global

Seminar Nasional tentang Kearifan Lokal: Peluang dan Tantangan Dakwah di Indonesia Fakultas Dirasat Islamiyah UIN Jakarta, 12 November 2015

Genealogi Jihad Konstitusi

Republika, Selasa, 27 Oktober 2015, 14:00 WIB

Muhammadiyah merupakan organisasi Islam besar di Indonesia yang punya sejarah panjang dalam kehidupan sosial dan politik nasional. Dalam sejarahnya yang sudah lebih dari satu abad di bumi Nusantara, Muhammadiyah sedikit banyak berinteraksi dengan institusi politik formal, baik itu partai politik, pemerintah, parlemen, dan institusi peradilan.

Dalam kaitan berinteraksi dengan institusi negara, Saud El Hujaj membagi dalam tiga model. Pertama, Muhammadiyah tidak ikut campur perpolitikan negara seperti pada masa Hindia Belanda. Muhammadiyah bukan agen negara dan bukan musuh negara.

Kedua, Muhammadiyah diposisikan sebagai subordinat kekuasaan yang memaksa sebagaimana pada masa pemerintahan Jepang. Namun, hal itu membawa kepada keselamatan organisasi dan tetap berlangsungnya amal usaha Muhammadiyah dalam amar makruf nahi mungkar. Ketiga, Muhammadiyah masuk ke dalam wacana negara dan partai politik yang bisa dilihat dari keterlibatan tokoh dan artikulasi kepentingannya melalui partai politik.

Keterlibatan Muhammadiyah dalam politik tampak nyata. Meskipun pada Muktamar ke-38 Muhammadiyah yang digelar di Makassar pada 1971 ditegaskan Muhammadiyah tak terlibat politik praktis, perilaku Muhammadiyah melalui tokohnya bersifat akomodatif dalam mengartikulasikan kepentingan melalui partai politik, misalkan pembentukan Partai Islam Indonesia (PII), Majelis Islam A'la Indonesia (MIAI), Partai Masjumi, Partai Muslimin Indonesia, dan Partai Amanat Nasional (PAN).

Kendati sempat mengambil jarak, sejak masa kepemimpinan Amien Rais, Muhammadiyah kembali tampil dan memainkan peranan penting sebagai kekuatan sosial untuk mengoreksi pemerintah. Upaya ini dilanjutkan Ahmad Syafii Maarif dan Din Syamsuddin. Pada masa Din Syamsuddin, upaya korektif dilakukan melalui jalur formal dengan mengajukan judicial review terhadap undang-undang yang bertentangan dengan UUD 1945 kepada Mahkamah Konstitusi.

Langkah Muhammadiyah menguji UU yang dipandang bertentangan dengan Islam dan merugikan rakyat kecil menjadikan Muhammadiyah bukan saja organisasi gerakan sosial, tapi juga gerakan pembaruan hukum. Hal ini memperkuat posisi Muhammadiyah sebagai kelompok kepentingan yang mendorong perubahan kebijakan sekaligus kelanjutan kegiatan politik tak langsung (high politics) yang diwariskan Amien Rais.

Muhammadiyah tampil berbeda dalam diskursus mengenai konstitusi, khususnya hubungan antara Islam dan negara. Sejak didirikan oleh KH Ahmad Dahlan, diskursus pemikiran ideologis demikian tak begitu mendapat perhatian besar. Sebab, Muhammadiyah sejak awal bersifat kultural dalam membela kaum lemah, seperti mengembangkan pendidikan, panti asuhan, dan pelayanan kesehatan. Gerakan kultural itu sedari awal oleh KH Ahmad Dahlan disebut sebagai gerakan Islam nonpolitik, tetapi tidak antipolitik (Syaifullah 2015).

Keterlibatan pertama Muhammadiyah dalam diskursus ketatanegaraan terjadi pada masa perumusan Piagam Jakarta. Salah satu anggota Panitia 9 yang merumuskan adalah kader Muhammadiyah, Prof KH Abdoel Kahar Moezakir. Namun, keterlibatan Prof Abdoel Kahar Moezakir di Panitia 9 tidak dapat disimpulkan sebagai sikap politik Muhammadiyah.

Sejak saat itu, pandangan Muhammadiyah terhadap hubungan Islam dan negara lebih bersifat substansial daripada formal. Menurut Masdar F Mas'udi, UUD 1945 sebagai konstitusi Indonesia memang tidak ditulis dengan bahasa agama, tetapi nilai-nilainya sejalan dengan ajaran Islam.

Agenda utama umat Islam Indonesia bukanlah memperjuangkan formalisasi negara Islam, tapi merealisasikan nilai dan aturan konstitusi yang Islami itu dalam kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara secara sungguh-sungguh. Ajaran Islam yang dimaksud bukan bersifat detail (juz'iyat dan tfshiliyat), tapi fundamental (muhkamat) dan mendasar (ushuliyat) sebagai garis pemisah antara yang sejati (haqq) dari yang palsu (bathil), antara yang terpuji (mahmudah) dari yang tercela (madzmumah).

Pada titik inilah kita melihat bertemunya pandangan Muhammadiyah dan Nahdlatul Ulama terkait hubungan antara Islam dan negara, yaitu dalam pandangan melihat similaritas antara ajaran Islam dan norma konstitusi.

Hal itu sejalan dengan pandangan Sukarno mengenai negara Islam. Menurutnya, Islam adalah api yang menyinari kehidupan, bukan abunya. Sukarno menghendaki ajaran Islam yang menjadi penerang dan yang membuat semangat berkobar-kobar dalam penyelenggaraan negara.

Sedangkan, Hatta mengambil perumpamaan lain. Bagi Hatta, "Negara Islam" menempatkan Islam sebagai garam kehidupan, tidak terlihat mata, tetapi terasa maknanya; bukan Islam gincu, yang mencolok mata, tapi tidak ada rasa apa-apa.

Muhammadiyah bukanlah partai politik, tapi organisasi yang terkadang dikualifikasikan sebagai organisasi masyarakat, organisasi agama, organisasi sosial, maupun organisasi pendidikan. Syaifullah mengategorikan Muhammadiyah sebagai kelompok kepentingan yang pada umumnya menggunakan empat saluran dalam memperjuangkan aspirasinya, yaitu demonstrasi dan kekerasan, hubungan pribadi, perwakilan langsung (formal-institusional), dan saluran formal instusi lain seperti media massa.

Dalam realitanya, Muhammadiyah menggunakan saluran hubungan pribadi melalui lobi, perwakilan langsung atau institusi formal seperti judicial review UU kepada MK, dan penggunaan media massa. Di antara itu, yang paling dominan penggunaan saluran hubungan pribadi melalui keterampilan lobi dengan pemilik kewenangan.

Beberapa tahun terakhir, strategi menggunakan institusi formal melalui judicial review UU yang bermasalah diajukan kepada MK. Din Syamsuddin selaku ketua umum PP Muhammadiyah saat itu menyebut langkah ini sebagai "Jihad Konstitusi".

Jihad berasal dari kata juhada-yujahidu yang secara harfiah berarti sungguh-sungguh atau "berusaha secara sungguh-sungguh mencapai sesuatu yang diyakini bernilai tinggi dalam keseluruhan hidup yang bersangkutan". (QS al-Ankabut ayat [29]: 69).

Lalu bagaimana istilah jihad yang selalu dikaitkan dengan tindakan berlandaskan hukum Islam disandingkan dengan upaya pembelaan konstitusi? Jihad konstitusi atas dasar pandangan bahwa nilai Islam telah tecermin di dalam konstitusi. Penegakan konstitusi secara tidak langsung adalah penegakan ajaran Islam.

Selain itu juga semangat pembelaan terhadap warga yang lemah, bahwa negara sebagai pelindung dan penegak keadilan harus menempatkan warga yang lemah sebagai prioritas agendanya sehingga keadilan (keseimbangan dan kesetaraan) bisa diwujudkan.

Mendorong perubahan melalui jalur peradilan konstitusi ini memiliki posisi strategis bagi Muhammadiyah, mengingat perwakilan Muhammadiyah di parlemen yang kurang signifikan. Penelitian Syaifullah menunjukan, rata-rata kader Muhammadiyah di pemerintahan maupun parlemen (DPR dan DPD) berkisar 5-6 persen dari jabatan di DPR, DPD, dan kementerian negara.

Ketua Umum PP Muhammadiyah Haedar Nashir menyampaikan realitas bahwa Muhammadiyah memang tidak representatif kalau harus berjuang di dunia politik. Muhammadiyah juga termasuk "puritan" berpolitik, cenderung lugu dan lugas, tidak mampu "luwes" dan "zigzag" sehingga berpengaruh pada kemampuannya mengalokasikan sumber daya kadernya.

Dalam situasi itu, langkah judicial review UU yang merugikan kepentingan rakyat kecil merupakan langkah strategis bagi gerakan Muhammadiyah.

Syaiful Bakhri
Rektor Universitas Muhammadiyah Jakarta

http://www.republika.co.id/berita/koran/opini-koran/15/10/27/nwva472-genealogi-jihad-konstitusi

Foto asli KH Ahmad Dahlan dan Murid-muridnya 1912

Diyakini sbg foto asli KH Ahmad Dahlan dilanggarnya bersama murid2nya thn 1912.

Keterangan Foto:
Titel: De school Madrassah Moehammadijah onder Hadji Dachlan te Yogyakarta Reis van G.A.J. Hazeu onder auspiciën van Volkenkunde naar Indonesië expeditie
Maker: fotograaf: G.A.J. Hazeu
Trefwoord: Yogyakarta (cultuur)
constructies sociaal
onderwijs, onderricht, leermiddelen (locaal gemaakt/gebruikt)
Verv.jaar: voor 1912
Verv.plaats:Yogyakarta, Indonesië
Techniek: Materiaal: papier
Techniek: ontwikkel gelatine zilverdruk
Object: foto
Afmeting: Drager: 16,8 × 11,8 cm — Afbeelding: 16,8 × 11,8 cm
Bron: [A413-3], Kerncollectie Fotografie, Museum Volkenkunde
Copyright: Voor meer informatie: Museum Volkenkunde

Link: http://www.geheugenvannederland.nl/?/nl/items/VKM01:A413-3/&st=Moehammadijah&sc=%28Moehammadijah%29&singleitem=true
masukkan kkey word: "Moehammadijah" atau "Dachlan"

The 2015 Muhammadiyah Muktamar: Narrow Win for Moderates

Synopsis

Muhammadiyah’s 47th congress was marked by a fierce theological debate between its moderate and conservative members. While a moderate candidate was eventually elected as its new chairman, the conservative contender came very close to taking over the organisation.

Commentary

MUHAMMADIYAH, INDONESIA’s second largest Islamic organisation, held its muktamar or national congress from 3 to 7 August 2015 in Makassar, South Sulawesi. Unlike its traditionalist cousin the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Muhammadiyah’s founding philosophy is to purify Islam from man-made and syncretic elements – what Muhammadiyah members called “superstitions, innovations, and mystics” (tahyul, bid’ah, and khurafat). However, it historically advocates such reforms through peaceful dialogue and political moderation rather than a more radical path.
A number of key issues were discussed during the five-yearly congress. First, activists debated whether Islam as practised by Muhammadiyah members should follow a universalist paradigm, as advocated by conservative members of the organisation; or should it follow one in which Islam is practised within the Indonesian socio-cultural context, as argued by progressive and moderate members. The latter introduced the concept of “Islam with Progress” (Islam Berkemajuan) to highlight that while Islam’s fundamental principles are universalist and timeless, they need to be reinterpreted to reflect the context of a modernising Indonesian society, by utilising independent reasoning (ijtihad).

Other key issues & leadership contestation

Second, a consensus was reached for Muhammadiyah to legally challenge newly-passed national laws that were considered to be unjust for its 30-million members by taking these laws to the Constitutional Court (Mahkamah Konstitusi). The Indonesian Constitution mandates the ownership of natural resources and other key economic sectors to fall to the Indonesian state. Muhammadiyah’s legal challenges resulted in the Court to rule Indonesia’s Oil and Gas Law and Water Resources Law to be unconstitutional.

However, the main agenda of the muktamar was to elect a new general chairman to lead Muhammadiyah for the next decade, as Din Syamsuddin, its outgoing chairman, could no longer be re-elected after completing two-consecutive five year terms (2005-2015). Congress delegates wanted a new chairman who could mediate between the moderate and conservative factions within the organisation, which Din Syamsuddin did effectively.

Two leading candidates emerged among members of the Muhammadiyah leadership board. The first was Haedar Nashir, a sociology lecturer with Muhammadiyah University in Yogyakarta. He is a long-time Muhammadiyah activist who has served in numerous leadership positions for more than three decades, including as chief editor of “Muhammadiyah Voice” (Suara Muhammadiyah), the organisation’s official weekly newsmagazine.

Haedar wrote his doctoral dissertation on the growth of new conservative Indonesian Islamic organisations such as Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) and Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI), which have popular following among young Muhammadiyah members. He argued that unlike first-generation Islamic reformist organisations such as Muhammadiyah, the new organisations are “promoting an integralistic and reductionist interpretation of the shari’a and demanding its institutionalisation within the Indonesian state”.

If these organisations – HTI and MMI _ managed to increase their influence among Indonesian Muslims, it can lead to growing intolerance of Muslim minorities and non-Muslims among Muhammadiyah members. Due to these conclusions, Haedar’s candidacy came under attack from conservative activists, who accused him of being a ‘liberal’ Muslim.

The conservative contender

The second candidate was Yunahar Ilyas, a professor of Islamic theology (usluhuddin) at Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University in Yogyakarta, who was a former board member of the Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI). He led the Special Revelation and Propagation (tabligh and da’wah) Department, which organises Muhammadiyah’s religious teaching and propagation activities, for a decade (2000-2010).

Yunahar is known for his criticisms of Muslim minority sects. For instance, he believes Shiism is a ‘time bomb’ that threatened the unity of the Indonesian ummah and that there can be no reconciliation between Shi’ite and Sunni believers. He also has urged the Indonesian government to outlaw the Ahmadi community in Indonesia, arguing as long as they are not prohibited, they will continue to “encourage conflict among themselves and Indonesian Muslims who are true believers”.

Yunahar’s candidacy received strong support from conservative Muhammadiyah members, and among younger activists within the organisation. For instance, Dahnil Anzar, chairman of Muhammadiyah Youth (Pemuda Muhammadiyah) argues that “Muhammadiyah needs to be led by an intellectual alim who understands Islam as the solution for all lives and society’s problems,” alluding to Yunahar’s status as an ulama. Aggressive behind-the-scene lobbying by Yunahar’s supporters propelled his candidacy in the muktamar, almost outmanoeuvering Haedar.

Realising a conservative takeover of the organisation would have occurred had Yunahar won the chairmanship election; the progressive faction developed an alliance with Din Syamsuddin’s faction during the final round of the election. While Haedar eventually won the chairmanship position, there were only 19 votes separating him from Yunahar in the final round of voting, indicating strong support among conservative and young Muhammadiyah activists for Yunahar’s candidacy.

Epilogue

The conclusions of the recent Muhammadiyah muktamar highlighted the continuing struggle between moderate and conservative members of the organisation on how to interpret Islam, how the organisation should play its role in Indonesian politics, and who should lead Muhammadiyah for the next decade.

Haedar Nashir’s election as its new general chairman reflects the continuing dominance of the moderate establishment within the organisation. However, strong support for Yunahar Ilyas among young Muhammadiyah activists means that this dominance is increasingly being challenged by more conservative members. As conservatives increasingly fill Muhammadiyah’s leadership positions, its moderate, pro-democratic outlook might be eclipsed over time.

As chairman, Haedar needs to carefully manage the division among moderate and conservative camps within Muhammadiyah and to retain its reputation as an Indonesian Islamic organisation with a moderate and modernist outlook.

About the Author

Alexander R Arifianto PhD is a Research Fellow with the Indonesia Programme, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.

https://www.rsis.edu.sg/rsis-publication/rsis/co15230-the-2015-muhammadiyah-muktamar-narrow-win-for-conservatives/#.VjLazyuTxoq

Pameran Tokoh: KH Ahmad Dahlan

Dalam rangka memperingati 107 tahun Kebangkitan Nasional, Museum Kebangkitan Nasional Mempersembahkan Pameran Tokoh "KH Ahmad Dahlan" (1868-1923), setiap hari jam 08.00-16.00 WIB, pada 20 Oktober - 20 Nopember 2015. Photos by: Widyastuti, David Efendi & Masruri.

Surat Din Syamsuddin Kepada Jokowi tentang "Penolakan Hari Santri"

Yang Terhormat
Bapak Presiden Jokowi 

Sehubungan berita bahwa pada 22 Oktober 15 Pemerintah akan nyatakan sebagai Hari Santri Nasional, izinkan saya menyampaikan hal-hal berikut:

1. Adalah tidak tepat, taktis dan strategis adanya Hari Santri Nasional, karena hal itu dapat mengganggu persatuan bangsa. Dikotomi Santri-Abangan adalah upaya intelektual orang luar untuk memecahbelah umat Islam dengan mengukuhkan gejala budaya yang sesungguhnya bisa berubah (process of becoming) tsb.

2. Sejak beberapa waktu lalu Alm. Bapak Taufik Kiemas, yang kami dukung, berupaya untuk mencairkan dikotomi tsb, termasuk mencairkan dikotomi Islamisme-Nasionalisme. Salah satu pengejawantahannya adalah didirikannya Bamusi di lingkungan PDIP. Adanya Hari Santri Nasional berpotensi mengganggu upaya luhur tadi. Menguatnya "Kaum Santri" bisa mendorong menguatnya " Kaum Abangan". Tentu Pemerintah akan kerepotan jika ada desakan untuk adanya Hari Abangan Nasional.

3. Apalagi Hari Santri Nasional dikaitkan dengan tanggal dan peristiwa tertentu (Resolusi Jihad 22 Oktober), adalah penyempitan/reduksi jihad para pahlawan yang sudah dimulai ber-abad-abad sebelumnya termasuk sebelum kemerdekaan yang lebih bersifat luas, bukan dikaitkan dengan kelompok tertentu. Juga, penekanan pada resolusi jihad yang lebih

berona fiskal/harbi menjadi penghambat upaya jihad selama ini ke arah lebih luas (jihad iqtishadi/ekonomi, jihad 'ilmi/iptek, jihad i'lami/informasi).

5. Hari Nasional (kecuali hari-hari besar keagamaan), haruslah menjadi hari bagi semua elemen bangsa. Maka kalau terpaksa harus ada Hari Santri (karena fait-a-compli politik pada saat Pilpres), mungkin bisa dicari tanggal lain, dan Hari Santri dengan inti kesantrian bisa dikaitkan dengan Pancasila, khususnya Sila Pertama. Dalam hal ini, kesantrian adalah buah pengamalan Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa.

Terima kasih.

Salam takzim,


        ttd

Din Syamsuddin.

Dakwah Muhammadiyah Pada Komunitas Marginal

Seminar Pra-Musywil Muhammadiyah Jawa Timur. Tema: Dakwah Muhammadiyah Pada Komunitas Marginal, Unmuh Surabaya, Sabtu 10 Oktober 2015.

The inevitable political callings of Muhammadiyah

Pramono U. Tanthowi, Jakarta | Opinion | Thu, August 06 2015, 6:39 AM

Ahead of the 47th Muhammadiyah congress, currently underway in Makassar, many discussions were held within the organization. Several focused on how this movement will increase its influence in Indonesia in its second century, including in politics.

 In the course of a century after its establishment in 1912, Muhammadiyah has been playing significant roles in politics and society alike.

The fall of the New Order saw considerable changes in the political system and in the relationship between the state and Muslim organizations. Muhammadiyah and other Muslim organizations appeared to benefit much from the new political freedom, but what has the role of Muhammadiyah been in a democratized Indonesia? Has the organization become just a means to achieve political ends? Or has it contributed positively to deepen social support for substantive democracy? And how should it combine its political activism and its commitment to stay away from practical politics? These are among some daunting questions within Muhammadiyah circles.

Amid new political freedoms, Muhammadiyah activists used different approaches. One group proposed it was now time for Muhammadiyah to exert its political significance, either by forming a political party or by joining existing ones. One result was the establishment of the National Mandate Party (PAN), under Amien Rais, the founders of which include non-practicing Muslims and non-Muslims.

This camp contended that a political party is necessary for Muhammadiyah activists to achieve political gains, since political parties play a crucial role in nominating candidates for elective offices, government positions, informing and sustaining governments, and in policy making.

Without being involved in party politics, they argued, Muhammadiyah could not secure much patronage and resources from the government and would be left behind in the political race. Others became involved in party politics in ways which they perceived did not risk Muhammadiyah’s image as an independent social religious organization. Hajriyanto Y. Thohari, along with others, joined Golkar.

Another camp urged Muhammadiyah to remain focused on its traditional commitment to religious propagation, social welfare and education programs. This camp contended that Muhammadiyah’s long involvement in practical politics prevented sufficient attention to their religious and social functions, which they considered the real tasks of the organization — spiritual guidance and education of the Muslim community.

 The ideas of eschewing party politics were largely prompted by the political impasse during the 1960s and 1980s, when the authoritarian state manipulated political aspirations of Islamic groups including that of Muhammadiyah. They concluded that political parties were highly susceptible to state control, and therefore, no longer effective at pursuing their political interests.

Thus they wanted Muhammadiyah removed, not depoliticized, from the vulnerable and seemingly pointless arena of party politics to the more salient civic realm of broad social action. A third camp of activists pushed for Muhammadiyah’s broader political role in Indonesia’s democratic transition. In a society where religion is important in public life, as in Indonesia, they said the role of religion and of religious institutions such as Muhammadiyah were neither confined to the religious realm nor party politics.

Therefore, during roughly the past 15 years the political role of Muhammadiyah in democratization has been remarkable, although complementary, as democratization requires many other conditions.

Some of its initiatives cannot be only attributed to charismatic leadership but also to its strategic orientation and practical activism. The first role was its maneuvers to limit state authoritarianism.

Despite the coercive control of the regime, since the early 1990s Muhammadiyah not only provided a large number of students and supporters in mass protests, but its leaders, such as Amien, along with non-practicing Muslim and non-Muslim leaders, were especially crucial in mobilizing peaceful rallies demanding democratization.

This role was consistently sustained by the Muhammadiyah leadership in the following years.Despite good rapport between the organization and the state, leaders Syafi’i Maarif and Din Syamsuddin have maintained Muhammadiyah’s independence. They continued to resist policies which they thought violated public interest such as the drafting and passing of the law on mass organization, law on national security and others.

The second role was that Muhammadiyah provided channels for articulation, aggregation and representation of people’s interests — all functions of political parties, which were instead preoccupied with their own interests. The most glaring example of this was the issuance of laws detrimental to national economic sovereignty, such as the Oil and Gas Law, the Water Resource Law, the Electricity Law and others. Against this injustice, Muhammadiyah spearheaded judicial review requests; fortunately the Constitutional Court granted most parts of the petitions.

A third role was Muhammadiyah’s promotion of the rule of law. Since the early 2000s Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) joined the anti-corruption campaign. As a social-religious organization, it systematically addressed corruption issues by emphasizing moral persuasion and developing theological interpretations based on the Koran and the Prophet’s sayings or hadith.

When commissioners of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and its supporters were criminalized, Muhammadiyah activists were among the most vocal critics. Even more striking was when Buya Syafi’i as chairman of the President’s advisors on the KPK problem called for President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo to fire Comr. Gen. Budi Waseso, the National Police’s chief of detectives, accusing him of being behind the ongoing attack on the KPK.

Muhammadiyah’s last, but not least, political role is its promotion of a pluralistic and tolerant Indonesian society. Many studies affirm that Muhammadiyah and NU are significant obstacles to further growth of extreme Islamism. Not only are its leaders of tolerant and pluralistic views, its membership largely seems immune to Islamism’s allure.

Muhammadiyah also continues to assert its nationalistic stance that the form of the Indonesian state based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution is unquestionably final. It is true that Muhammadiyah has grown from the same soil as Indonesian Islamism, which has an ultimate aspiration of becoming an Islamic state. But its roots run deeper combined with its modernist approach and enormously successful entrenching of political moderation in Indonesia.

These initiatives provide obvious examples of how religious organizations such as Muhammadiyah play roles in transition from an authoritarian state into a more democratic system without pushing for a theocratic state. In so doing, Muhammadiyah has not relinquished its nature as a social and religious organization.

Rather, it has transformed its spiritual and ethical vigor into political and social activism. Such initiatives inevitably remain the political callings of Muhammadiyah. Insya Allah, God willing.
__________________________

The writer is the secretary of Muhammadiyah’s research and development council.
- See more at: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/08/06/the-inevitable-political-callings-muhammadiyah.html#sthash.s3Biit6F.dpuf

Pramono U. Tanthowi, Jakarta | Opinion | Thu, August 06 2015, 6:39 AM - See more at: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/08/06/the-inevitable-political-callings-muhammadiyah.html#sthash.s3Biit6F.dpuf

Pramono U. Tanthowi, Jakarta | Opinion | Thu, August 06 2015, 6:39 AM - See more at: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/08/06/the-inevitable-political-callings-muhammadiyah.html#sthash.s3Biit6F.dpuf

Pramono U. Tanthowi, Jakarta | Opinion | Thu, August 06 2015, 6:39 AM - See more at: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/08/06/the-inevitable-political-callings-muhammadiyah.html#sthash.s3Biit6F.dpuf

Revisiting the key concept of Muhammadiyah

The Jakarta Post, Friday, July 01, 2005

Hilman Latief, Michigan

In addition to leadership issues, the 45th Muhammadiyah Congress in Malang early next month will probably be enlivened by a debate about Muhammadiyah's concept of tajdid (rejuvenating or revitalizing Islam) and ijtihad (independent reasoning). Known as a reformist organization, Muhammadiyah is expected by both "insiders" and "outsiders" to be able to produce some agendas that will be socially more worthy and intellectually more valuable in the Indonesian context.

For nearly one century, Muhammadiyah have been participating in the building this nation. This year, the Muhammadiyah Congress has selected as its theme Jelang Satu Abad Muhammadiyah: Tajdid Gerakan untuk Pencerahan Peradaban (Welcoming Muhammadiyah's 100th anniversary: A Tajdid movement for the Enlightenment of Civilization.
Why is tajdid still necessary? For Muhammadiyah, it is a conceptual key that has led the organization to become more dynamic and contextual. To be sure, this concept is not the exclusive property of Muhammadiyah. Rather, it originates from puritan, "modernist" Muslim thinkers such as Ibn Taimiyyah (d. 1328), Ibnu Abdul Wahab (d. 1205), and al-Afghani (d. 1897).

Muhammadiyah's work from its establishment up to the present time is a good example of how the process of Islamic revitalization has taken place through collective action. Muhammadiyah has set up several organizational divisions that run various programs dealing with religious and social welfare. As regards the Muhammadiyah work model, Prof. Amin Abdullah called it "faith in action."

However, times are changing. The needs of the Indonesian ummah (Muslim community) are also changing and becoming more complicated. At the same time, it is clear that the early idealism of Muhammadiyah has in recent years become institutionalized and even, perhaps, bureaucratized.

It is not surprising, therefore, that Muhammadiyah's actions sometimes disappoint. In line with the need of the ummah and in order to satisfy contextual demands, Muhammadiyah needs to reinterpret its concept of tajdid, to redefine the functions of its institutions, and to revitalize its commitment as the country's second largest Muslim organization. Muhammadiyah needs to be more responsive to the problems this nation faces.

Tajdid should not be restricted merely to the theological and philosophical aspects. Rather, it must also extensively address the social and cultural problems faced by our society. Poverty, terrorism, religious fundamentalism, social conflict, and collective corruption all clearly need Muhammadiyah's involvement.

Poverty, certainly, is not a new subject for Muhammadiyah. Ahmad Dahlan, the founder of Muhammadiyah, was very much concerned with the poor and orphans. For that reason, hundreds of orphanages have been established across the country. However, as the cost of education and healthcare increase, Muhammadiyah will need to prove its commitment to the needy by offering cheaper education and health services.

While scholars often seen and categorize Muhammadiyah as representing middle-class or urban Indonesian Muslims, this does not mean that the issue of poverty in this country is not relevant to the organization as Dahlan himself, as well as the other founders of Muhammadiyah, paid great attention to the problem.

At a time when acts of terrorism are regularly perpetrated in Indonesia, Muhammadiyah, Nahdlatul Ulama (the country's largest Muslim organization), and other socio-religious organizations must formulate clear visions and policies to prevent radicalism taking root, to promote dialogue, and to preserve and promote unity and harmony in Indonesian society.
Another crucial issue is corruption. Muhammadiyah needs to initiate from within the creation of a clean and modern organizational and administrative system. Professionalism in the management of all institutions belonging to Muhammadiyah, such as schools, universities, hospitals, clinics, orphanages and other charitable institutions, is essential if Muhammadiyah wants to serve as an example to other organizations in terms of preventing systemic and collective corruption.

Even though Muhammadiyah's ideology has long been regarded as personifying the ideology of "puritanism" in terms of religio-political expression, it remains moderate and tolerant. Yet, we cannot close our eyes to the fact that both Islamic liberalism and conservatism present challenges for the organization. While Muhammadiyah does not agree with "radical secularization," neither does it condone violence and vandalism perpetrated in the name of Islam.

Therefore, when tensions arise between the liberals and conservatives among Indonesian Muslims in general, and Muhammadiyah members in particular, Muhammadiyah needs to steer a wise course. During the next Muhammadiyah congress, it will be essential to construct a synergic coming together of liberal and conservative tendencies within Muhammadiyah.

The future of Muhammadiyah very much depends on the leaders elected during the congress. Intellectual maturity and social sensitivity will be required in order to successfully foster the progressive dimensions of Muhammadiyah's tajdid so that the organization becomes more worthy in the social and religious senses, and more in tune with the real needs of this nation. The country needs Muhammadiyah leaders who care about the needs of the ummah, are concerned with pluralism in Indonesian society, recognize that Indonesia is a democratic country, and, above all, are free from corruption.

It will be hard to find figures who have the same capabilities or charisma as the outgoing chairman A. Syafii Maarif, or A.R. Fakhruddin or Amien Rais. A. Malik Fadjar, M. Dien Syamsuddin, M. Amin Abdullah, Rosyad Saleh and Haedar Nashir are among the leading candidates to take over at this time. Whoever wins, the nation is waiting for a more concrete contribution from the organization in overcoming the country's prolonged crisis.