Foto asli KH Ahmad Dahlan dan Murid-muridnya 1912

Diyakini sbg foto asli KH Ahmad Dahlan dilanggarnya bersama murid2nya thn 1912.

Keterangan Foto:
Titel: De school Madrassah Moehammadijah onder Hadji Dachlan te Yogyakarta Reis van G.A.J. Hazeu onder auspiciën van Volkenkunde naar Indonesië expeditie
Maker: fotograaf: G.A.J. Hazeu
Trefwoord: Yogyakarta (cultuur)
constructies sociaal
onderwijs, onderricht, leermiddelen (locaal gemaakt/gebruikt)
Verv.jaar: voor 1912
Verv.plaats:Yogyakarta, Indonesië
Techniek: Materiaal: papier
Techniek: ontwikkel gelatine zilverdruk
Object: foto
Afmeting: Drager: 16,8 × 11,8 cm — Afbeelding: 16,8 × 11,8 cm
Bron: [A413-3], Kerncollectie Fotografie, Museum Volkenkunde
Copyright: Voor meer informatie: Museum Volkenkunde

Link: http://www.geheugenvannederland.nl/?/nl/items/VKM01:A413-3/&st=Moehammadijah&sc=%28Moehammadijah%29&singleitem=true
masukkan kkey word: "Moehammadijah" atau "Dachlan"

The 2015 Muhammadiyah Muktamar: Narrow Win for Moderates

Synopsis

Muhammadiyah’s 47th congress was marked by a fierce theological debate between its moderate and conservative members. While a moderate candidate was eventually elected as its new chairman, the conservative contender came very close to taking over the organisation.

Commentary

MUHAMMADIYAH, INDONESIA’s second largest Islamic organisation, held its muktamar or national congress from 3 to 7 August 2015 in Makassar, South Sulawesi. Unlike its traditionalist cousin the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Muhammadiyah’s founding philosophy is to purify Islam from man-made and syncretic elements – what Muhammadiyah members called “superstitions, innovations, and mystics” (tahyul, bid’ah, and khurafat). However, it historically advocates such reforms through peaceful dialogue and political moderation rather than a more radical path.
A number of key issues were discussed during the five-yearly congress. First, activists debated whether Islam as practised by Muhammadiyah members should follow a universalist paradigm, as advocated by conservative members of the organisation; or should it follow one in which Islam is practised within the Indonesian socio-cultural context, as argued by progressive and moderate members. The latter introduced the concept of “Islam with Progress” (Islam Berkemajuan) to highlight that while Islam’s fundamental principles are universalist and timeless, they need to be reinterpreted to reflect the context of a modernising Indonesian society, by utilising independent reasoning (ijtihad).

Other key issues & leadership contestation

Second, a consensus was reached for Muhammadiyah to legally challenge newly-passed national laws that were considered to be unjust for its 30-million members by taking these laws to the Constitutional Court (Mahkamah Konstitusi). The Indonesian Constitution mandates the ownership of natural resources and other key economic sectors to fall to the Indonesian state. Muhammadiyah’s legal challenges resulted in the Court to rule Indonesia’s Oil and Gas Law and Water Resources Law to be unconstitutional.

However, the main agenda of the muktamar was to elect a new general chairman to lead Muhammadiyah for the next decade, as Din Syamsuddin, its outgoing chairman, could no longer be re-elected after completing two-consecutive five year terms (2005-2015). Congress delegates wanted a new chairman who could mediate between the moderate and conservative factions within the organisation, which Din Syamsuddin did effectively.

Two leading candidates emerged among members of the Muhammadiyah leadership board. The first was Haedar Nashir, a sociology lecturer with Muhammadiyah University in Yogyakarta. He is a long-time Muhammadiyah activist who has served in numerous leadership positions for more than three decades, including as chief editor of “Muhammadiyah Voice” (Suara Muhammadiyah), the organisation’s official weekly newsmagazine.

Haedar wrote his doctoral dissertation on the growth of new conservative Indonesian Islamic organisations such as Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) and Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI), which have popular following among young Muhammadiyah members. He argued that unlike first-generation Islamic reformist organisations such as Muhammadiyah, the new organisations are “promoting an integralistic and reductionist interpretation of the shari’a and demanding its institutionalisation within the Indonesian state”.

If these organisations – HTI and MMI _ managed to increase their influence among Indonesian Muslims, it can lead to growing intolerance of Muslim minorities and non-Muslims among Muhammadiyah members. Due to these conclusions, Haedar’s candidacy came under attack from conservative activists, who accused him of being a ‘liberal’ Muslim.

The conservative contender

The second candidate was Yunahar Ilyas, a professor of Islamic theology (usluhuddin) at Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University in Yogyakarta, who was a former board member of the Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI). He led the Special Revelation and Propagation (tabligh and da’wah) Department, which organises Muhammadiyah’s religious teaching and propagation activities, for a decade (2000-2010).

Yunahar is known for his criticisms of Muslim minority sects. For instance, he believes Shiism is a ‘time bomb’ that threatened the unity of the Indonesian ummah and that there can be no reconciliation between Shi’ite and Sunni believers. He also has urged the Indonesian government to outlaw the Ahmadi community in Indonesia, arguing as long as they are not prohibited, they will continue to “encourage conflict among themselves and Indonesian Muslims who are true believers”.

Yunahar’s candidacy received strong support from conservative Muhammadiyah members, and among younger activists within the organisation. For instance, Dahnil Anzar, chairman of Muhammadiyah Youth (Pemuda Muhammadiyah) argues that “Muhammadiyah needs to be led by an intellectual alim who understands Islam as the solution for all lives and society’s problems,” alluding to Yunahar’s status as an ulama. Aggressive behind-the-scene lobbying by Yunahar’s supporters propelled his candidacy in the muktamar, almost outmanoeuvering Haedar.

Realising a conservative takeover of the organisation would have occurred had Yunahar won the chairmanship election; the progressive faction developed an alliance with Din Syamsuddin’s faction during the final round of the election. While Haedar eventually won the chairmanship position, there were only 19 votes separating him from Yunahar in the final round of voting, indicating strong support among conservative and young Muhammadiyah activists for Yunahar’s candidacy.

Epilogue

The conclusions of the recent Muhammadiyah muktamar highlighted the continuing struggle between moderate and conservative members of the organisation on how to interpret Islam, how the organisation should play its role in Indonesian politics, and who should lead Muhammadiyah for the next decade.

Haedar Nashir’s election as its new general chairman reflects the continuing dominance of the moderate establishment within the organisation. However, strong support for Yunahar Ilyas among young Muhammadiyah activists means that this dominance is increasingly being challenged by more conservative members. As conservatives increasingly fill Muhammadiyah’s leadership positions, its moderate, pro-democratic outlook might be eclipsed over time.

As chairman, Haedar needs to carefully manage the division among moderate and conservative camps within Muhammadiyah and to retain its reputation as an Indonesian Islamic organisation with a moderate and modernist outlook.

About the Author

Alexander R Arifianto PhD is a Research Fellow with the Indonesia Programme, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.

https://www.rsis.edu.sg/rsis-publication/rsis/co15230-the-2015-muhammadiyah-muktamar-narrow-win-for-conservatives/#.VjLazyuTxoq

Pameran Tokoh: KH Ahmad Dahlan

Dalam rangka memperingati 107 tahun Kebangkitan Nasional, Museum Kebangkitan Nasional Mempersembahkan Pameran Tokoh "KH Ahmad Dahlan" (1868-1923), setiap hari jam 08.00-16.00 WIB, pada 20 Oktober - 20 Nopember 2015. Photos by: Widyastuti, David Efendi & Masruri.

Surat Din Syamsuddin Kepada Jokowi tentang "Penolakan Hari Santri"

Yang Terhormat
Bapak Presiden Jokowi 

Sehubungan berita bahwa pada 22 Oktober 15 Pemerintah akan nyatakan sebagai Hari Santri Nasional, izinkan saya menyampaikan hal-hal berikut:

1. Adalah tidak tepat, taktis dan strategis adanya Hari Santri Nasional, karena hal itu dapat mengganggu persatuan bangsa. Dikotomi Santri-Abangan adalah upaya intelektual orang luar untuk memecahbelah umat Islam dengan mengukuhkan gejala budaya yang sesungguhnya bisa berubah (process of becoming) tsb.

2. Sejak beberapa waktu lalu Alm. Bapak Taufik Kiemas, yang kami dukung, berupaya untuk mencairkan dikotomi tsb, termasuk mencairkan dikotomi Islamisme-Nasionalisme. Salah satu pengejawantahannya adalah didirikannya Bamusi di lingkungan PDIP. Adanya Hari Santri Nasional berpotensi mengganggu upaya luhur tadi. Menguatnya "Kaum Santri" bisa mendorong menguatnya " Kaum Abangan". Tentu Pemerintah akan kerepotan jika ada desakan untuk adanya Hari Abangan Nasional.

3. Apalagi Hari Santri Nasional dikaitkan dengan tanggal dan peristiwa tertentu (Resolusi Jihad 22 Oktober), adalah penyempitan/reduksi jihad para pahlawan yang sudah dimulai ber-abad-abad sebelumnya termasuk sebelum kemerdekaan yang lebih bersifat luas, bukan dikaitkan dengan kelompok tertentu. Juga, penekanan pada resolusi jihad yang lebih

berona fiskal/harbi menjadi penghambat upaya jihad selama ini ke arah lebih luas (jihad iqtishadi/ekonomi, jihad 'ilmi/iptek, jihad i'lami/informasi).

5. Hari Nasional (kecuali hari-hari besar keagamaan), haruslah menjadi hari bagi semua elemen bangsa. Maka kalau terpaksa harus ada Hari Santri (karena fait-a-compli politik pada saat Pilpres), mungkin bisa dicari tanggal lain, dan Hari Santri dengan inti kesantrian bisa dikaitkan dengan Pancasila, khususnya Sila Pertama. Dalam hal ini, kesantrian adalah buah pengamalan Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa.

Terima kasih.

Salam takzim,


        ttd

Din Syamsuddin.

Dakwah Muhammadiyah Pada Komunitas Marginal

Seminar Pra-Musywil Muhammadiyah Jawa Timur. Tema: Dakwah Muhammadiyah Pada Komunitas Marginal, Unmuh Surabaya, Sabtu 10 Oktober 2015.

The inevitable political callings of Muhammadiyah

Pramono U. Tanthowi, Jakarta | Opinion | Thu, August 06 2015, 6:39 AM

Ahead of the 47th Muhammadiyah congress, currently underway in Makassar, many discussions were held within the organization. Several focused on how this movement will increase its influence in Indonesia in its second century, including in politics.

 In the course of a century after its establishment in 1912, Muhammadiyah has been playing significant roles in politics and society alike.

The fall of the New Order saw considerable changes in the political system and in the relationship between the state and Muslim organizations. Muhammadiyah and other Muslim organizations appeared to benefit much from the new political freedom, but what has the role of Muhammadiyah been in a democratized Indonesia? Has the organization become just a means to achieve political ends? Or has it contributed positively to deepen social support for substantive democracy? And how should it combine its political activism and its commitment to stay away from practical politics? These are among some daunting questions within Muhammadiyah circles.

Amid new political freedoms, Muhammadiyah activists used different approaches. One group proposed it was now time for Muhammadiyah to exert its political significance, either by forming a political party or by joining existing ones. One result was the establishment of the National Mandate Party (PAN), under Amien Rais, the founders of which include non-practicing Muslims and non-Muslims.

This camp contended that a political party is necessary for Muhammadiyah activists to achieve political gains, since political parties play a crucial role in nominating candidates for elective offices, government positions, informing and sustaining governments, and in policy making.

Without being involved in party politics, they argued, Muhammadiyah could not secure much patronage and resources from the government and would be left behind in the political race. Others became involved in party politics in ways which they perceived did not risk Muhammadiyah’s image as an independent social religious organization. Hajriyanto Y. Thohari, along with others, joined Golkar.

Another camp urged Muhammadiyah to remain focused on its traditional commitment to religious propagation, social welfare and education programs. This camp contended that Muhammadiyah’s long involvement in practical politics prevented sufficient attention to their religious and social functions, which they considered the real tasks of the organization — spiritual guidance and education of the Muslim community.

 The ideas of eschewing party politics were largely prompted by the political impasse during the 1960s and 1980s, when the authoritarian state manipulated political aspirations of Islamic groups including that of Muhammadiyah. They concluded that political parties were highly susceptible to state control, and therefore, no longer effective at pursuing their political interests.

Thus they wanted Muhammadiyah removed, not depoliticized, from the vulnerable and seemingly pointless arena of party politics to the more salient civic realm of broad social action. A third camp of activists pushed for Muhammadiyah’s broader political role in Indonesia’s democratic transition. In a society where religion is important in public life, as in Indonesia, they said the role of religion and of religious institutions such as Muhammadiyah were neither confined to the religious realm nor party politics.

Therefore, during roughly the past 15 years the political role of Muhammadiyah in democratization has been remarkable, although complementary, as democratization requires many other conditions.

Some of its initiatives cannot be only attributed to charismatic leadership but also to its strategic orientation and practical activism. The first role was its maneuvers to limit state authoritarianism.

Despite the coercive control of the regime, since the early 1990s Muhammadiyah not only provided a large number of students and supporters in mass protests, but its leaders, such as Amien, along with non-practicing Muslim and non-Muslim leaders, were especially crucial in mobilizing peaceful rallies demanding democratization.

This role was consistently sustained by the Muhammadiyah leadership in the following years.Despite good rapport between the organization and the state, leaders Syafi’i Maarif and Din Syamsuddin have maintained Muhammadiyah’s independence. They continued to resist policies which they thought violated public interest such as the drafting and passing of the law on mass organization, law on national security and others.

The second role was that Muhammadiyah provided channels for articulation, aggregation and representation of people’s interests — all functions of political parties, which were instead preoccupied with their own interests. The most glaring example of this was the issuance of laws detrimental to national economic sovereignty, such as the Oil and Gas Law, the Water Resource Law, the Electricity Law and others. Against this injustice, Muhammadiyah spearheaded judicial review requests; fortunately the Constitutional Court granted most parts of the petitions.

A third role was Muhammadiyah’s promotion of the rule of law. Since the early 2000s Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) joined the anti-corruption campaign. As a social-religious organization, it systematically addressed corruption issues by emphasizing moral persuasion and developing theological interpretations based on the Koran and the Prophet’s sayings or hadith.

When commissioners of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and its supporters were criminalized, Muhammadiyah activists were among the most vocal critics. Even more striking was when Buya Syafi’i as chairman of the President’s advisors on the KPK problem called for President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo to fire Comr. Gen. Budi Waseso, the National Police’s chief of detectives, accusing him of being behind the ongoing attack on the KPK.

Muhammadiyah’s last, but not least, political role is its promotion of a pluralistic and tolerant Indonesian society. Many studies affirm that Muhammadiyah and NU are significant obstacles to further growth of extreme Islamism. Not only are its leaders of tolerant and pluralistic views, its membership largely seems immune to Islamism’s allure.

Muhammadiyah also continues to assert its nationalistic stance that the form of the Indonesian state based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution is unquestionably final. It is true that Muhammadiyah has grown from the same soil as Indonesian Islamism, which has an ultimate aspiration of becoming an Islamic state. But its roots run deeper combined with its modernist approach and enormously successful entrenching of political moderation in Indonesia.

These initiatives provide obvious examples of how religious organizations such as Muhammadiyah play roles in transition from an authoritarian state into a more democratic system without pushing for a theocratic state. In so doing, Muhammadiyah has not relinquished its nature as a social and religious organization.

Rather, it has transformed its spiritual and ethical vigor into political and social activism. Such initiatives inevitably remain the political callings of Muhammadiyah. Insya Allah, God willing.
__________________________

The writer is the secretary of Muhammadiyah’s research and development council.
- See more at: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/08/06/the-inevitable-political-callings-muhammadiyah.html#sthash.s3Biit6F.dpuf

Pramono U. Tanthowi, Jakarta | Opinion | Thu, August 06 2015, 6:39 AM - See more at: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/08/06/the-inevitable-political-callings-muhammadiyah.html#sthash.s3Biit6F.dpuf

Pramono U. Tanthowi, Jakarta | Opinion | Thu, August 06 2015, 6:39 AM - See more at: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/08/06/the-inevitable-political-callings-muhammadiyah.html#sthash.s3Biit6F.dpuf

Pramono U. Tanthowi, Jakarta | Opinion | Thu, August 06 2015, 6:39 AM - See more at: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/08/06/the-inevitable-political-callings-muhammadiyah.html#sthash.s3Biit6F.dpuf

Revisiting the key concept of Muhammadiyah

The Jakarta Post, Friday, July 01, 2005

Hilman Latief, Michigan

In addition to leadership issues, the 45th Muhammadiyah Congress in Malang early next month will probably be enlivened by a debate about Muhammadiyah's concept of tajdid (rejuvenating or revitalizing Islam) and ijtihad (independent reasoning). Known as a reformist organization, Muhammadiyah is expected by both "insiders" and "outsiders" to be able to produce some agendas that will be socially more worthy and intellectually more valuable in the Indonesian context.

For nearly one century, Muhammadiyah have been participating in the building this nation. This year, the Muhammadiyah Congress has selected as its theme Jelang Satu Abad Muhammadiyah: Tajdid Gerakan untuk Pencerahan Peradaban (Welcoming Muhammadiyah's 100th anniversary: A Tajdid movement for the Enlightenment of Civilization.
Why is tajdid still necessary? For Muhammadiyah, it is a conceptual key that has led the organization to become more dynamic and contextual. To be sure, this concept is not the exclusive property of Muhammadiyah. Rather, it originates from puritan, "modernist" Muslim thinkers such as Ibn Taimiyyah (d. 1328), Ibnu Abdul Wahab (d. 1205), and al-Afghani (d. 1897).

Muhammadiyah's work from its establishment up to the present time is a good example of how the process of Islamic revitalization has taken place through collective action. Muhammadiyah has set up several organizational divisions that run various programs dealing with religious and social welfare. As regards the Muhammadiyah work model, Prof. Amin Abdullah called it "faith in action."

However, times are changing. The needs of the Indonesian ummah (Muslim community) are also changing and becoming more complicated. At the same time, it is clear that the early idealism of Muhammadiyah has in recent years become institutionalized and even, perhaps, bureaucratized.

It is not surprising, therefore, that Muhammadiyah's actions sometimes disappoint. In line with the need of the ummah and in order to satisfy contextual demands, Muhammadiyah needs to reinterpret its concept of tajdid, to redefine the functions of its institutions, and to revitalize its commitment as the country's second largest Muslim organization. Muhammadiyah needs to be more responsive to the problems this nation faces.

Tajdid should not be restricted merely to the theological and philosophical aspects. Rather, it must also extensively address the social and cultural problems faced by our society. Poverty, terrorism, religious fundamentalism, social conflict, and collective corruption all clearly need Muhammadiyah's involvement.

Poverty, certainly, is not a new subject for Muhammadiyah. Ahmad Dahlan, the founder of Muhammadiyah, was very much concerned with the poor and orphans. For that reason, hundreds of orphanages have been established across the country. However, as the cost of education and healthcare increase, Muhammadiyah will need to prove its commitment to the needy by offering cheaper education and health services.

While scholars often seen and categorize Muhammadiyah as representing middle-class or urban Indonesian Muslims, this does not mean that the issue of poverty in this country is not relevant to the organization as Dahlan himself, as well as the other founders of Muhammadiyah, paid great attention to the problem.

At a time when acts of terrorism are regularly perpetrated in Indonesia, Muhammadiyah, Nahdlatul Ulama (the country's largest Muslim organization), and other socio-religious organizations must formulate clear visions and policies to prevent radicalism taking root, to promote dialogue, and to preserve and promote unity and harmony in Indonesian society.
Another crucial issue is corruption. Muhammadiyah needs to initiate from within the creation of a clean and modern organizational and administrative system. Professionalism in the management of all institutions belonging to Muhammadiyah, such as schools, universities, hospitals, clinics, orphanages and other charitable institutions, is essential if Muhammadiyah wants to serve as an example to other organizations in terms of preventing systemic and collective corruption.

Even though Muhammadiyah's ideology has long been regarded as personifying the ideology of "puritanism" in terms of religio-political expression, it remains moderate and tolerant. Yet, we cannot close our eyes to the fact that both Islamic liberalism and conservatism present challenges for the organization. While Muhammadiyah does not agree with "radical secularization," neither does it condone violence and vandalism perpetrated in the name of Islam.

Therefore, when tensions arise between the liberals and conservatives among Indonesian Muslims in general, and Muhammadiyah members in particular, Muhammadiyah needs to steer a wise course. During the next Muhammadiyah congress, it will be essential to construct a synergic coming together of liberal and conservative tendencies within Muhammadiyah.

The future of Muhammadiyah very much depends on the leaders elected during the congress. Intellectual maturity and social sensitivity will be required in order to successfully foster the progressive dimensions of Muhammadiyah's tajdid so that the organization becomes more worthy in the social and religious senses, and more in tune with the real needs of this nation. The country needs Muhammadiyah leaders who care about the needs of the ummah, are concerned with pluralism in Indonesian society, recognize that Indonesia is a democratic country, and, above all, are free from corruption.

It will be hard to find figures who have the same capabilities or charisma as the outgoing chairman A. Syafii Maarif, or A.R. Fakhruddin or Amien Rais. A. Malik Fadjar, M. Dien Syamsuddin, M. Amin Abdullah, Rosyad Saleh and Haedar Nashir are among the leading candidates to take over at this time. Whoever wins, the nation is waiting for a more concrete contribution from the organization in overcoming the country's prolonged crisis.

Kisah Persahabatan Haji Rasul dengan Kyai Ahmad Dahlan

Dari perjumpaan dua kawan lama hingga kisah lahirnya sekolah Muhammadiyah. Saling menginspirasi satu sama lain.

Oleh: Wenri Wanhar

Kweekschool Moehammadijah Yogyakarta. Foto: dok. Madrasah Mu′allimin Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta.

KERETA api dari Surabaya tiba di Yogyakarta. Dari sekian banyak penumpang yang turun, muncul sesosok laki-laki yang penampilannya cukup menarik perhatian. Di dadanya tersemat empat huruf Arab: ha, ain, kaaf, dan hamzah.

Kyai Haji Ahmad Dahlan yang sedari tadi menanti di stasiun Tugu langsung menyongsong laki-laki tersebut. Pimpinan Muhammadiyah itu mengetahui, bahwa HAKA –potongan-potongan huruf itu– merupakan inisial tulisan Haji Abdul Karim Amrullah di majalah Al-Munir.

“Tidaklah huruf-huruf itu yang jadi perhatian K.H.A Dahlan ketika dia turun tangga kereta api. Melainkan terbusnya, celana pantalon dan baju setengah tiang (baltu) hitam, kaca mata dan tongkat. Berbeda dengan pakaian kebanyakan kyai di Jawa di masa itu,” kata Kyai Raden Haji Hajid, sebagaimana dikutip Hamka dalam Muhammadiyah di Minangkabau.

Abdul Karim alias Inyiak Rasul atau Haji Rasul adalah ayah Buya Hamka. Dia kawan seperguruan Ahmad Dahlan. Meski tidak seangkatan, mereka pernah sama-sama berguru kepada Syekh Ahmad Khatib Al-Minangkabawi, imam besar Masjidil Haram di Mekah.

“Menurut keterangan yang penulis dapat terima dari Kyai Raden Haji Hajid, kedatangan Syaikh Abdul Karim menjadi tetamu K.H.A Dahlan di Yogya tahun 1917 itu diterima dengan gembira oleh kyai dan murid-muridnya,” tulis Hamka.

Tiga hari tiga malam Haji Rasul jadi tamu di Kauman. Dia saksikan langsung bagaimana kawannya memimpin pengajian Muhammadiyah yang kala itu baru berumur lima tahun. Bahagia betul dia melihat semangat Dahlan. Peti-peti bekas dijadikan bangku untuk belajar. Sempat pula dia melihat Ahmad Dahlan mengajar agama Islam di sekolah modern Kweekschool Gouvernement, yang belakangan jadi inspirasi buatnya membuat sistem pendidikan yang sama.

Masa itu Dahlan minta izin menyalin tulisan-tulisan Haji Rasul di majalah Al-Munir ke dalam bahasa Jawa untuk disebar-ajarkan kepada murid-muridnya. “Kyai Ahmad Dahlan di Yogyakarta adalah salah seorang langganan dan pembaca setia majalah Al-Munir yang terbit di Padang. Begitu cerita Raden Haji Hajid,” ungkap Hamka.

Sementara itu Dahlan sudah pula banyak mendengar kisah baik tentang Sumatera Thawalib di Padang Panjang, sekolah Islam modern pertama di Hindia Belanda. Dalam perjumpaan itu, Dahlan mendengar langsung pengalaman Haji Rasul memimpin pengajian surau Jembatan Besi sejak 1901 hingga menjadi Sumatera Thawalib pada 1912.

Pada 8 Desember 1921, empat tahun kemudian, Dahlan mengubah pengajian Muhammadiyah di Kauman menjadi sekolah Pondok Muhammadiyah.

“Inilah untuk pertama kalinya Muhammadiyah membuka sekolah,” tulis Saleh Putuhena, mantan Rektor UIN Alauddin Makassar dalam Historiografi Haji Indonesia. “Untuk menjamin mutu pendidikan, pengajar pengetahuan umum dipercayakan kepada orang-orang yang ahli di bidangnya, ilmu pengetahuan agama diajar oleh Ahmad Dahlan dan Raden Haji Hajid.”

Tak hanya Dahlan yang terinspirasi. Pada 1918, setahun pasca lawatannya ke Jawa, Sumatera Thawalib membangun gedung baru. Ruang-ruang kelas dilengkapi bangku dan meja, serupa dengan sekolah “modern” yang dikelola Belanda. Agaknya Haji Rasul terinspirasi ketika melihat Ahmad Dahlan mengajar agama Islam di Kweekschool Gouvernement di Yogyakarta.

Semenjak itu, menurut sejarawan Taufik Abdullah dalam School and Politics, The Kaum Muda Movement in West Sumatera 1927-1933, meski sebelumnya sudah ada kurikulum berjenjang kelas, kegiatan belajar mengajar di Sumatera Thawalib tidak lagi halaqah (duduk bersila; murid melingkar guru).

Kisah selengkapnya baca laporan utama majalah Historia Nomor 21 Tahun II 2015.

http://historia.id/modern/kisah-persahabatan-haji-rasul-dengan-kyai-ahmad-dahlan

Profil Haedar Nashir, Ketua Umum Muhammadiyah yang Baru

Tempo, Jum'at, 07 Agustus 2015 | 13:21 WIB

TEMPO.CO, Makassar - Muktamar Muhammadiyah ke-47 di Makassar, Jumat pagi, 7 Agustus 2015, baru saja menggelar serah terima jabatan dari Ketua Umum yang lama, Din Syamsuddin, kepada Ketua Umum periode 2015-2020, Haedar Nashir. Pergantian pejabat merupakan puncak muktamar, yang rencananya ditutup siang ini oleh Wakil Presiden M. Jusuf Kalla.

Sebelumnya, Haedar ditunjuk menjadi ketua umum oleh 13 formatur baru PP Muhammadiyah. Proses pemilihannya hanya membutuhkan waktu sekitar sepuluh menit lewat dalam sidang tertutup di luar pleno muktamar. Pemilihan itu sudah banyak diprediksi, karena sebelumnya Haedar menempati urutan teratas dalam pemungutan suara 2.000 peserta muktamar terhadap 39 daftar calon tetap.

Di lingkungan Muhammadiyah, Haedar Nashir bukan orang baru. Bisa dibilang dia besar dan tumbuh bersama organisasi yang didirikan KH Ahmad Dahlan. Haedar merangkak dari bawah. Tahun 1983 dia mulai menjabat Ketua I Pengurus Pusat Ikatan Pelajar Muhammadiyah.

Sejak tahun 1985 hingga 1990, Haedar dipercaya mengisi Deputi Kader PP Pemuda Muhammadiyah. Selanjutnya menjadi Ketua Badan Pendidikan Kader (BPK) dan Pembinaan Angkatan Muda Muhammadiyah PP (1985-2000). Terakhir, dia menjabat Sekretaris PP Muhammadiyah pada 2000-2005, sebelum menjadi Ketua PP dua periode hingga 2015.

Lahir di Bandung, 25 Februari 1958, Haedar malah banyak aktif berkegiatan di Yogyakarta. Ia tercatat sebagai anggota Muhammadiyah di daerah tersebut. Juga rutin mengajar di Fisipol Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta. Istrinya, Siti Noordjannah Djohantini, juga menjabat Ketua Umum PP Aisyiyah dan berpeluang besar terpilih kembali untuk periode kedua.


Di mata Ketua Umum Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, Din Syamsuddin, Haedar Nashir dianggap layak untuk memimpin Muhammadiyah lima tahun ke depan. Haedar dianggap sebagai seorang kader sejati Muhammadiyah. “Beliau dikader dari bawah sejak di IPM, Pemuda hingga terlibat di kepengurusan PP Muhammadiyah,” katanya kepada wartawan, Kamis, 6 Agustus 2015. “Dan di PP Muhammadiyah sekarang, kami memberikan wewenang kepada beliau untuk bertanggung jawab di bidang keorganisasian,” tuturnya.

Din juga menilai sosok Haedar sebagai tokoh intelektual. Haedar merupakan penulis yang prolifik dan rutin menulis di berbagai media massa. Bahkan karena keilmuannya, Haedar sering diberi tanggung jawab untuk menggarap konsep besar Muhammadiyah. “Pak Haedar sering kami tunjuk untuk menjadi ketua tim. Seperti, konsep Indonesia Berkemajuan itu, tim perumusnya diketuai oleh beliau,” kata Din.

Pada muktamar kali ini, Haedar bersaing dengan sejumlah rekan sejawatnya di Pengurus Pusat Muhammadiyah. Mereka antara lain Yunahar Ilyas, Dahlan Rais, Abdul Mu’ti, dan Syafiq A. Mughni. Juga dengan tokoh populer semacam seperti Busyro Muqaddas, yang pernah menjabat Ketua Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi dan Komisi Yudisial. Din menganggap mereka semua yang terpilih sebagai kader yang berkualitas. “Siapa pun yang terpilih, akan saya dukung,” ujarnya.
Ada yang menarik dari muktamar kali ini. Sebab di saat bersamaan, istri Haedar, Siti Noordjannah Djohantini, juga menambah masa jabatan di PP Aisyiyah sebagai ketua umum. Keduanya pun mengikuti jejak pendiri Muhammadiyah KH Ahmad Dahlan dan istrinya, Siti Walidah, sekitar satu abad lalu di masa pendirian Muhammadiyah.

Muhammadiyah sebagai organisasi Islam didirikan oleh KH Ahmad Dahlan di Yogyakarta, pada 1912. Dua tahun berselang, istri Dahlan, Hajjah Siti Walidah, mendirikan Sopo Tresno, kelompok yang berfokus pada pembahasan isu-isu perempuan. Walidah yang akrab disapa Nyai Dahlan kemudian mengubah nama kelompok itu menjadi Aisyiyah, yang terinspirasi dari nama istri Nabi Muhammad, Aisyah. Belakangan Aisyiyah menjadi bagian Muhammadiyah dengan menjadi organisasi otonom untuk perempuan.

Dahlan diketahui memimpin Muhammadiyah hingga akhir hayatnya di tahun 1923. Adapun Nyai, selain memimpin Aisyiyah, juga aktif di Muhammadiyah selepas peninggalan suaminya. Ia sebagai perempuan pertama yang memimpin Kongres Muhammadiyah ke-15 di Surabaya, 1926.

Setelah generasi Dahlan dan Nyai, bergantian tokoh memimpin Muhammadiyah dan Aisyiyah. Selama puluhan tahun berselang, belum pernah ada pasangan suami-istri yang mengikuti jejak mereka, memimpin kedua organisasi dalam waktu bersamaan. Peluang itu terbuka pada Muktamar ke-47 di Makassar, yang juga bertepatan dengan peringatan satu abad Muhammadiyah dan Aisyiyah.

AAN PRANATA

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